anaheim-gazette 1937-11-11

ANAHEIM GAZETTE Established 1870 Orange County's Oldest Newspaper HENRY KUCHEL, Editor and Publisher 1887-1935 The Anaheim Gazette has been owned and edited by the same family since 1875. Published every Thursday at 259 East Center Street, Anaheim, Calif. SUBSCRIPTION PER YEAR $2.00 SIX MONTHS $1.00 MRS. HENRY KUCHEL — THEODORE B. KUCHEL Editors and Publishers Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office at Anaheim. California, under the Act of March 8, 1879. ARMISTICE DAY— All the people in any one country never want a war. Any group of nations left together socially will talk and laugh and have a fraternally good time. But there are a few individuals in the world who have the power to force the issue of war at the cost of millions of innocent lives. There is only one reason for war—and that is the protection of one's own land. Every young boy in every home in America should know that, and understand its full significance. The best man to make him understand is the father who remembers the events that preceded Armistice Day. Today, as we celebrate another anniversary of the day upon which peace came, is a fitting and proper time to recall and consider the destruction of human life and property, the indescribable horror that is the essence of war. We are not free from war. Armed conflict is today raging in Spain and in China. Let us today revere those who laid down their lives in the World War and pay respects to those who also fought but were more fortunate. Let us also today and every day earnestly strive for world peace. AGRICULTURE OPPOSES TRAIN-LIMIT LAW— Agricultural America is gravely concerned with the proposed law to limit the length of freight trains to 70 cars, which has passed the Senate and is now pending in the House. A long list of agricultural papers and magazines have published editorials opposing the law, pointing out that it would make railroad operation more dangerous rather AGRICULTURE OPPOSES TRAIN-LIMIT LAW— Agricultural America is gravely concerned with the proposed law to limit the length of freight trains to 70 cars, which has passed the Senate and is now pending in the House. A long list of agricultural papers and magazines have published editorials opposing the law, pointing out that it would make railroad operation more dangerous rather than more safe, and would eventually necessitate general increases in freight rates which would boost the cost of transporting farm products. A typical editorial recently appeared in the Kentucky Farmers Home Journal, which said in part: "The increased cost of operation under the train-limit bill is conservatively estimated at $90,000,000. The question arises, who will pay it? The railroads cannot, out of present earnings. Freight charges will have to be increased and products of agriculture will have to bear full share of the increased cost. Any general rise in freight rates, like a rise in taxes, must be borne by the public, and the farmers will, as usual, find themselves paying a little more than their fair share. Let us hope that when the train-limit bill reaches the House of Representatives, that body will have the wisdom to kill this bill and not harass railroad managements with higher costs than they today have to carry." Farmers, manufacturers and other shippers have lately gotten a taste of what it means to force higher operating costs on our principal agency of transportation. Railroad labor has long been among the highest paid in the world—but this year both operating and non-operating workmen demanded and finally received wage increases. The railroads were forced to petition the ICC for higher rates. The ICC has justly allowed rate boosts on a number of articles. GOVERNMENT AND BUSINESS— There is no reason to believe that sober-minded business men are looking to the government now for an act of omnipotence or the performance of a feat of magic. What business really needs, as it attempts to check the recession which is now in progress, is not some new kind of unexpected intervention by the government, but rather a lifting of unnecessary handicaps which government has already imposed upon it. NEWSPAPER UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA (Registered U. S. Patent Office) Copyright, 1934, PHILIP H. BACHRACH, President. Great Britain Rights Reserved NEWSPAPER UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA (Registered U.S. Patent Office) Copyright, 1934, PHILIP H. BACHRACH, President. Great Britain Rights Reserved QUESTIONS COLLEGE Theology, First Year 1—When did the Church of England begin? History, Third Year 3—How did the treaty of Versailles, 1919, affect Heligoland. Science, Second Year 2—Where does the tungsten lamp get its name? Algebra, Fourth Year 4—What is a coefficient? HIGH SCHOOL Biology, First Year 5—What is a quadruped? History, Third Year 7—During the first fifty years, what State furnished most presidents of the U.S.? Geometry, Second Year 6—What is an obtuse angle? Literature, Fourth Year 8—Who wrote "The Scarlet Letter"? ELEMENTARY Geography, Second Grade 9—When you face south what direction is on your right? Geography, Sixth Grade 11—What is the longest river in South America? Arithmetic, Fourth Grade 10—How many inches are there in a rod? 12—Who is the latest appointed U.S. Supreme Court Judge? ANSWERS 1—In 1534 when Parliament set aside Papal Authority. In 1535 Parliament declared Henry VIII head of the Church of England. these factors is called the coefficient. 5—a four-footed animal. 6—An angle that is greater than a right angle. 7-Virginia, which sent six. 8-Nathaniel Hawthorne. 9-West. 10—198 inches. 11—the Amazon River. 12—Hugo Black of Alabama. Time and regular monthly ports are convincing Washington government economists more than that the tax on undistributed corporation income was a sad mistake. Somewhat sheepishly, folks are now admitting that tax must bear a great part of responsibility for the outstake weakness in the recovery during the construction industry. The tax — often erroneously called 'the corporation surplus' — was originated as a social form measure, designed to control the policies of corporations making them distribute their income to stockholders would have to more taxes. But the tax is, as economy here now belatedly see it, on business expansion, on decision debts, and on building savings for a future rainfall. The penalty tax applies to money that is not distributed stockholders. SOME PUNT! PRICES GOSH! OUT OF SIGHT! The FARMERS CORNER by RALPH-H-TAYLOR Executive Secretary Agricultural Council of California will require the signatures of 186,378 registered voters. It is a safe assumption that if every voter when approached, looked on an initiative petition as a blank The MARCH OF TIME REG. U.S. FAT. OFF. Prepared by the Editors of TIME The Weekly Newsman CHANGED TUNES— WASHINGTON—While U. S. business has been apt to regard Franklin Roosevelt as a malicious ogre holding its fate in his perverse hands, Franklin Roosevelt has appeared to regard business as a malevolent force which cannot be wiped out but should be perpetually chastened. But the president and business were last week forced to see each other in better perspective—for the 10-week stockmarket slump had reduced paper values $25,000,000,000 and fears of a major business recession were growing. During the week, the Federal Reserve board loosened margin requirements, thus carrying stocks through their steadiest week in two months. By week's end, Washington was seriously considering the possibility that congress must soon revise and modify the capital gains tax and the undistributed profits tax, which business bemoans as a stumbling block to recovery. Both Franklin Roosevelt and a succession of business-minded visitors at Hyde Park denied that they had talked over means of easing up New Deal restrictions on business. Confronted by Washington reports of a tax revision, the president avoided endorsing them, pointed out that they were written from the point of view of those who have rather than of those who have not—who were, said Franklin Roosevelt, still his major concern. But last week Washington knew that the New Deal was suddenly feeling a new pressure, not primarily from his business. Speaking for A. F. George Harrison of the Clerks, stocky, 42-years of the A. F. of L. railroad and president of the Railway Labor Executive. Speaking for C. Philip Murray, 52, chairman of the Steel Organizing committee. Philip Murray and Geo son are two of the all negotiators in the land signment was nearly su They strained for cord dressed each other as and "Phil". The C. I. O. delegation to a huddle with John emerged to slap down point peace proposal: A to adopt a policy of trial unionism not only production workers but maritime service, put and basic fabricating formation of an a "C. I. O. department A. F. L. with sole jurisdiction industrial unions; a join L.-C. I. O. national to ratify the agreement leave the session after compromising document thrown at A. F. of L., to indent Joseph Curran of new National Maritime plained why the me broken up by snapping: can't expect men to con dead faint and go negotiating." Back at C. I. O. next slammed A. F. of L.' proposal, a reiteration stand: return of the C. I. O. unions to the a stranger suddenly accosted on a street corner, presented bank check and asked you to on the dotted line—what did you do? you might call a cop or suman alienist. you might lead with your left cross with your right. you might march by in high eon, muttering, "What's the entry coming to?" if you certainly wouldn't sign, it's asking a bit too much—in an era of "share the truth!" in the other hand, if the same eager presented a petition to take your tax bill, there's a chance you'd sign withoutation. and if the presumptuous fellow pitched a second petition re-going your right to equal representation with your fellow citizens of government, might again reach for your certain pen and jot down your perseverance. eposterous! Perhaps, but withoutless hundreds of thousands California voters are just that posterous every two years, petitions for scores initiative proposals without knowing their contents. It's political equivalent of sign-a blank check—yet petitionators boast that one out of five voters will sign any motion submitted! water carelessness in signing actions for measures which would be disastrous to themselves in the entire state—except for impact that other more cautious users usually repudiate the danus proposals at the polls—is likely responsible for the overwhelming California ballot, used with 20 or 30 proposed in-ive acts at each election. The subject is of current importance because petitions either are circulated, or will shortly be used in circulation, for the danus "single tax"-sales tax react, which would more than once the tax bills of farmers, business men and common property taxpayers, for the one-house legislatureposal which would deny rural will require the signatures of 186,378 registered voters. It is a safe assumption that if every voter when approached, looked on an initiative petition as a blank check—and took the trouble to read the terms of the agreement—both measures would fail to qualify. But if history repeats itself, one out of five (far more than the required number) will sign without question! And taxpayers, property owners and other persons endangered by such legislation will be compelled to spend thousands of dollars in voter-education campaigns to prevent their enactment. And many of the same voters who signed the petitions will complain, when the go to the polls on election day, that "the ballot is loaded with crack-pot legislation!" Perhaps it is worthwhile, just on the possibility that the ratio of one-out-of-five can be reduced, to list what the two proposals propose: The "single tax" scheme, overwhelmingly beaten at many previous elections, is a modification of the old Henry George plan to make land carry the entire burden of taxation. It would repeal the state sales tax, which goes largely to the support of the public schools—and put the load on land. It would repeal the present constitutional provision limiting state taxes on land to 25 percent of total appropriations. It would eliminate (over a ten-year period) all taxes on improvements and tangible personal property—again placing the burden on the land. In addition, it would repeal the use tax and the motor vehicle "in lieu" tax—and transfer this load to the farmer, homeowner and business man also. The one-house legislature proposal would abolish the state senate—rural California's house in the legislature—and give the cities complete dominance in all legislative matters. It would require that the farmer present himself, hat in hand, to ask favors of city legislators, instead of making known his desires through his own duly-elected members. When the stranger on the street corner presents his petition easing up New Deal restrictions on business. Confronted by Washington reports of a tax revision, the president avoided endorsing them, pointed out that they were written from the point of view of those who have rather than of those who have-not—who were, said Franklin Roosevelt, still his major concern. But last week Washington knew that the New Deal was suddenly feeling a new pressure, not primarily from big business but from all those who fear a business recession—a force so general as almost to amount to a pressure of circumstances. For even the left wing of the New Deal was alarmed by the possibility of a slump and Franklin Roosevelt's attitude appeared to reflect a tacit change. Likewise modified was the attitude of many a business man who has groaned because of unhealthy federal deficits, but fears the medicine of reduced federal spending more than the disease of unbalanced budgets. "We DO" BOSTON. Mass. — When she went to visit her son John, convalescing in Boston after the removal of four wisdom teeth, Mrs. Roosevelt said to a group of cameramen: "I should think you'd get tired of taking my photograph." Said a rude photographer: "We do." PEACE PARLEY—WASHINGTON — While the high commands of the two great U.S. labor forces were assembled in simultaneous convention last month—A. F. of L. in Denver, C. I. O. in Atlantic City—they agreed in a sudden exchange of insulting telegrams to hold a formal peace conference; and in Washington last week the two delegations met—three men from A. F. L., ten from C. I. O. a vicious circle, and the economists now admit that unless proposed changes in that tax are real changes, dark days lie ahead. Another thing is handicapping the construction industry was typified in the experiences of a local architect-contractor. He was drawing tentative plans for a number of commercial buildings and private homes. His office was busy as a beehive, with 26 men employed. Suddenly he found he was los- WASHINGTON SNAPSHOTS Some and regular monthly re-acts are convincing Washington government economists more and more that the tax on undistributive corporation income was a sad, misstake. Somewhat sheepishly, many are now admitting that this must bear a great part of the responsibility for the outstandingness in the recovery drive—construction industry. The tax — often erroneously and the corporation surplus tax was originated as a social measure, designed to control policies of corporations by giving them distribute their income in stock dividends so that shareholders would have to pay the taxes. But the tax is, as economists now belatedly see it, a tax business expansion, on depress-debts, and on building upings for a future rainy day. The penalty tax applies to all they that is not distributed to shareholders. Thus, if a company went into debt during the depression and is making a little money now, it must pay a penalty tax for the privilege of paying off the debt. If it wants a new plant to provide new jobs, it pays through the nose for that too. And if it wants to build up its reserves depleted by the depression, it pays a penalty for that too. The latest discovery of these economists is that the tax has greatly handicapped the lagging construction industry. For instance, in August, the manufacturing industry employed more persons than it did at the 1929 peak. But construction, with only 1,566,000 on its payrolls, was 1,300,000 persons under its 1929 level. The cause is that many companies are unwilling to pay the penalty tax to supply new jobs when other things make the future uncertain. And that unwillingness increases, the uncertainty. It's justists now admit that unless proposed changes in that tax are real changes, dark days lie ahead. Another thing that is handicapping the construction industry was typified in the experiences of a local architect-contractor. He was drawing tentative plans for a number of commercial buildings and private homes. His office was busy as a beehive, with 26 men employed. Suddenly, he found he was losing money. Costs of materials were rising rapidly, and labor unions were winning successive increases in wages. Finally, this man decided the only way he could safely do business was to stipulate in his contracts that he would build for a specified sum provided the cost of materials remained the same and provided carpenters and plasterers continued to get the existing pay of $12 a day. The man for whom the building was to be built had to agree to meet any increases in these costs. The result was that in one month, the architect-contractor found client after client refusing to accept such contracts. And since they couldn't get any other contracts anywhere else, they just gave up the idea of building. Now, the architect-contractor has cut his staff to himself, his secretary and one draftsman. He isn't making office rent. The question of whether the president really intends not to restore all of the NRA "yet" still seems open. Although the first draft of his St. Paul speech as received in Washington over press service wires contained the word "yet," the latest report is that the president didn't say it after all. Speaking for A. F. of L. was George Harrison of the Railway Clerks, stocky, 42-year-old head of the A. F. of L. railroad department and president of the potent Railway Labor Executives association. Speaking for C. I. O. was Philip Murray, 52, calm, suave chairman of the Steel Workers Organizing committee. Though Philip Murray and George Harrison are two of the ablest labor negotiators in the land, their assignment was nearly superhuman. They strained for cordiality, addressed each other as "George" and "Phil". The C. I. O. delegation went into a huddle with John L. Lewis, emerged to slap down a three-point peace proposal: A. F. of L. to adopt a policy of strict industrial unionism not only for mass production workers but also for maritime, service, public utility and basic fabricating industries; formation of an autonomous "C. I. O. department" within A. F. L. with sole jurisdiction over industrial unions; a joint A. F. of L.-C. I. O. national convention to ratify the agreement. First to leave the session after this uncompromising document was thrown at A. F. of L., tough President Joseph Curran of C. I. O.'s new National Maritime union explained why the meeting had broken up by snapping: "Hell, you can't expect men to come out of a dead faint and go right on negotiating." Back at C. I. O. next day was slammed A. F. of L.'s counter-proposal, a reiteration of its old stand: return of the suspended C. I. O. unions to the A. F. of L. until the delegates had agreed to meet again in a week. DEFINITION— ABILENE, Texas — To an Abilene naturalization examiner who asked what congress is, a Mexican would-be-citizen replied: She is place where lotsa fellow get together and talk. Somebody say something she is bad and somebody say something she is good." MORE BATTLESHIPS— NEW YORK — At New York navy yard, Assistant Secretary of the Navy Charles Edison, son of the inventor, last week grasped the controls of a pneumatic riveting machine, shot a flaming bolt into a 70-ft. section of the keel of the "North Carolina," first battleship the United States has built since the "West Virginia" was commissioned in 1923. When the vessel is completed along with a sister ship "Washington" whose keel will be laid at the Philadelphia navy yard next spring, the navy will have the two biggest (35,000 tons), fastest (27 knots), best-armed (nine 16-in.guns) and most expensive ($60,000,000 apiece) battleships ever built in the United States. Of the 325 fighting ships in the United States navy at last year's end, 212 were classified as "over age." Now abuilding or appropriated for in the present push are 87 vessels, including besides the "North Carolina" and "Washington" three aircraft carriers, ten cruisers, 55 destroyers and 17 submarines. Only nation to admit to bigger naval rearmament is Great Britain; whose 285 vessels are be-continued on page 5.) Would someone like to hear your voice tonight? Attractive discount Long Distance rates to many points apply from 7 p.m. to 4:30 a.m. daily. These same discount rates are in effect for Sundays and apply from 7 p.m. Saturday to 4:30 a.m. Monday. 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