anaheim-gazette 1925-02-26

Wise and Otherwise By VADNEY Standards Of Living When the world was in its infancy, a cave in a mountainside, a pelt to lie upon, a leather girdle and a club or spear was the standard of living and one carved out his happiness according to his strength. Then came the time when a hut, a wooden plow, a cow, a few sheep and a hen or two made life a primrose path. Along came another time, not so very long ago, when the joy of a mother's heart was the plano and the hair-cloth sofa which painted the picture of the comfortable, respectable citizen. But today the American standard of living is 15 gallons of gas a week, partial payments on a Lizzie, kitchenette apartments, radios, saxophones, hurry-up meals of canned food, a swell layout of glad rags, easy divorces, few children and darned little happiness. An Age of Fleeting Observation Secretary Hughes says we live in "an age of fleeting observation," and his words are important inasmuch as they suggest that ours is a careless and uninformed civilization—its chief characteristic being speed. As we rush from place to place with our automobiles, so also our minds jump from idea to idea, few of us stopping to think things through. Our observation is fleeting, yet we act as if it were most searching. We form judgments with the most cursory examination of facts. We read the headlines most of the people most of the time—living in families, loyal friends, good neighbors, honest citizens—are trying to do right and in the low, narrow rooms of little houses are finding space for dreams as lofty as the stars." The heart of America dwells in the "little houses," where one finds rest, warmth, and simple food, and babes that coo and howl by turns, and pups, and books and patent can-openers, and Mason-jars and cookie jars, as well as lofty dreams. Life is fairly pleasant in the "little houses." The fact that the sensational and arresting things that happen find a place on the front pages of our papers prove that they are the exceptional things. RENEGADES IGNORED IN HOUSE CAUCUS The Wisconsin renegades who style themselves "progressives" and their adherents from other states will be excluded from other caucus to be held by the House Republicans on February 27 to organize for the next congress. As chairman of the Wisconsin delegation, Representative Frear attacked Floor Leader Longworth for trying to curtail the rights of the insurgents, and accused Mr. Longworth of wishing recalcitrants to be absent when the vote comes on the leadership. Mr. Frear was subject to a barrage of questions. Mr. Longworth, Representative Mills of New York and other Republicans accused the "progressives" of campaigning against President Coolidge and for Senator La Follette. Representative Wood of Indiana, chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee, who was responsible for omitting the La Follette groups from the invitation list, sibility for suvidence to answerable to years. In new platforms and "In America ought to be true and debate free whispering alley trading. Work too best executive, can be a member congress." "an age of fleeting observation, and his words are important inasmuch as they suggest that ours is a careless and uninformed civilization—its chief characteristic being speed. As we rush from place to place with our automobiles, so also our minds jump from idea to idea, few of us stopping to think things through. Our observation is fleeting, yet we act as if it were most searching. We form judgments with the most cursory examination of facts. We read the headlines of our papers, sketch the contents of our literary and trade journals, and make up our minds about an industrial problem affecting eastern factories or a political problem baffling to the best constitutional lawyers without further ado. In the same way we decide about the relative merits of automobiles or washing machines, the beauty of sunsets or poems and the value of patent medicines. Fleeting observation is always an injustice to the observer, for things must be pondered, turned about and contemplated from a variety of angles, if one is to enjoy them. A life of fleeting observation is not well lived—not only sad, but dangerous." Protecting Ourselves as Individuals and as a Nation As individuals we wouldn't think of going without vaccination against smallpox. If a case of diphtheria breaks out within a mile of us, we begin to shout for anti-toxin. If one person drinks a glass of milk and gets typhoid fever, we hang a padlock on the dairy gate. If one lone shark appears at the bathing beaches, we build a barbed wire fence, hang danger signs on posts and leave them there for the entire season. We pour thousands of gallons of oil on the swamps for fear a mosquito will bite us. We spray our throats with listerine, turpentine, benzine, kerosene and goose grease to ward off a sore throat and run for a physician to cauterize the wound if we scratch ourselves with a pin. Yet, as a nation, we go to sleep on the job and do nothing to protect ourselves from the greatest pestilence of all—war. And if a physician appears on the scene and has the audacity to tell us how and why we should protect ourselves, we immediately get all het up, call him a liar, demote him and exile him to the sticks for life. In the Mr. Frear was subject to a barrage of questions. Mr. Longworth, Representative Mills of New York and other Republicans accused the "progressives" of campaigning against President Coolidge and for Senator La Follette. Representative Wood of Indiana, chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee, who was responsible for omitting the La Follette groups from the invitation list, defended his course, declaring those men could not come to the caucus unless they appeared as penitents. Those omitted from the caucus list were: Messrs. Cooper, Voight, Nelson, Schaefer, Lampert, Beck, Browne, Schneider, Grear and Peavy from Wisconsin; La Guardia of New York, Keller of Minnesota and Sinclair of North Dakota. According to Albert W. Fox, writing in the Washington Post, it was stated at the White House on behalf of President Coolidge that the President believes the management and control of the Republican party should be kept in the hands of those who have pledged themselves to carry out Republican policies. The President, it was further explained, believes the Republican party's duty to the American people is to follow the course which the people had every right to believe would be followed when they placed responsibility on Republican shoulders at the last election. Consequently, President Coolidge views the plan to keep the party free from obstructionist influences as a response to a pledge made to the American people rather than an attempt to exclude those who manifestly are not Republicans. The President's position in this respect coincided with an address by Representative Nicholas Longworth, majority leader, on the floor of the House announcing his determination to keep anti-Republicans out of the party's management and explaining the reason for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member when the vote comes on the leadership. Mr. Frear was subject to a barrage of questions. Mr. Longworth, Representative Mills of New York and other Republicans accused the "progressives" of campaigning against President Coolidge and for Senator La Follette. Representative Wood of Indiana, chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee, who was responsible for omitting the La Follette groups from the invitation list, defended his course, declaring those men could not come to the caucus unless they appeared as penitents. Those omitted from the caucus list were: Messrs. Cooper, Voight, Nelson, Schaefer, Lampert, Beck, Browne, Schneider, Grear and Peavy from Wisconsin; La Guardia of New York, Keller of Minnesota and Sinclair of North Dakota. According to Albert W. Fox, writing in the Washington Post, it was stated at the White House on behalf of President Coolidge that the President believes the management and control of the Republican party should be kept in the hands of those who have pledged themselves to carry out Republican policies. The President, it was further explained, believes the Republican party's duty to the American people is to follow the course which the people had every right to believe would be followed when they placed responsibility on Republican shoulders at the last election. Consequently, President Coolidge views the plan to keep the party free from obstructionist influences as a response to a pledge made to the American people rather than an attempt to exclude those who manifestly are not Republicans. The President's position in this respect coincided with an address by Representative Nicholas Longworth, majority leader, on the floor of the House announcing his determination to keep anti-Republicans out of the party's management and explaining the reason for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member when the vote comes on the leadership. Mr. Frear was subject to a barrage of questions. Mr. Longworth, Representative Mills of New York and other Republicans accused the "progressives" of campaigning against President Coolidge and for Senator La Follette. Representative Wood of Indiana, chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee, who was responsible for omitting the La Follette groups from the invitation list, defended his course, declaring those men could not come to the caucus unless they appeared as penitents. Those omitted from the caucus list were: Messrs. Cooper, Voight, Nelson, Schaefer, Lampert, Beck, Browne, Schneider, Grear and Peavy from Wisconsin; La Guardia of New York, Keller of Minnesota and Sinclair of North Dakota. According to Albert W. Fox, writing in the Washington Post, it was stated at the White House on behalf of President Coolidge that the President believes the management and control of the Republican party should be kept in the hands of those who have pledged themselves to carry out Republican policies. The President, it was further explained, believes the Republican party's duty to the American people is to follow the course which the people had every right to believe would be followed when they placed responsibility on Republican shoulders at the last election. Consequently, President Coolidge views the plan to keep the party free from obstructionist influences as a response to a pledge made to the American people rather than an attempt to exclude those who manifestly are not Republicans. The President's position in this respect coincided with an address by Representative Nicholas Longworth, majority leader, on the floor of the House announcing his determination to keep anti-Republicans out of the party's management and explaining the reason for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member when the vote comes on the leadership. Mr. Frear was subject to a barrage of questions. Mr. Longworth, Representative Mills of New York and other Republicans accused the "progressives" of campaigning against President Coolidge and for Senator La Follette. Representative Wood of Indiana, chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee, who was responsible for omitting the La Follette groups from the invitation list, defended his course，declaring those men could not come to the caucus unless they appeared as penitents. Those omitted from the caucus list were: Messrs. Cooper，Voight，Nelson，Schaefer，Lampert，Browne，Schneider，Grear和Peavyfrom Wisconsin；La GuardiaofNewYork，KellerofMinnesotaandSinclairofNorthDakota. Accordingto AlbertW.FoxwritingintheWashingtonPostitwasstatedattheWhiteHouseonbehalfofPresidentCoolidgethatthePresidentbelievesthemanagementandcontroloftheRepublicanshouldersatthelastelection. Consequently，PresidentCoolidgeviewstheplantokeepthepartyfreefromobstructionistinfluencesasapresencetoapledmadetotheAmericanpeopleratherthanattempttoexcludethosewhomanifestlyarenotRepublicans.ThePresident'spositioninthisrespectcoincidiedwithanaddressbyRepresentativeNicholasLongworth,majorityleader，ontheflooroftheHouseannouncinghisdeterminationtokeepanti-Republicansoutoftheparty'smanagementandexplainingthereasonfornotinvitingtheLaFollettegroupanditsfollowerstotheRepublicangroupontheFebruary27. SenateleadersarestandingfirminthereferencetoexcludethefourLaFolletteradicals，LaFollette,Frazier,LaddandBrookhartfromallmattersaffectingpartymanagementandcontrol. InhisspeechinhotheHouse,MajorityLeaderLongworthsaidhehadnofeelingoffostilitytowardanymemberwhenthevotecomesontheleadership.Mr.Frearwassubjecttoaberrationofquestions.Mr.LongworthRepresentativeMillsofNewYorkandotherRepresentantsaccusedthe"progressives"ofcampaigningagainsttheirownsomeliter composedortylesslespedwithtyrantverylivedoffrabitantstreatantswithapin. Yet，asa nation，wego.tosleeponthejobanddo nothingtoprotectourselffromthegreatestpestilenceofall—war.Andifaphicianappearsonthesceneandhastheaudacitytocellusthowandwhywouldprotectourselfweimmediatelygetalhetup,callhima liar,demotehimandexilehimtothesticksforlife. In thhe "anage.of.fleetingsobservation,andhiswordsareimportantinasmuchastheysuggestthatoursiswouldthinkanjusticeto.theobserver,forsomethingmustpondered,turnedaboutandcontemplatedfroma Variety.of.vulnerable 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factroy以及其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他因素 afflectING e Eastern Factroy或者其他 factorsAffLECTING EVERYONE IS A MANHUNT OF THEIR OWNER'S TIME TO HANDLE THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVE THEM FROM THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DONE TO SAVETHEMFROMTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTORYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUPONTHERACEMENTRYOFTHECRIMESINTHISCASELANDWHATCANBEDONEDTOWORKUP ON THERACEMENTRY OF THE CRIMES IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS IN THIS CASE AND WHAT CAN BE DOWNISHING THE PROBLEMS Yet, as a nation, we go to sleep on the job and do nothing to protect ourselves from the greatest pestilence of all—war. And if a physician appears on the scene and has the audacity to tell us how and why we should protect ourselves, we immediately get all het up, call him a liar, demote him and exile him to the sticks for life. In the "Little Houses" We look at the papers: Father slays family and self! Mother suffocates babes! Daughter shoots mother! Wife sues former husband for slander! Murder, suicide, rape, arson, divorce and more divorce, juvenile courts, reformatories, and one asks what has happened to the home and the marriage relation of this day and this nation? Is there no love, no tolerance, no happiness? Have the dances, the supervised playgrounds, the movies, the school fads and the automobiles ruined our home life so that the hemes of today are good only for work, eating and sleeping? When such questions are being asked, it is good to find in the editorial columns of the Public Ledger so pleasant a paragraph as the following: "The city is full of little houses where pure content abides. The misery that fills the divorce courts and gets into the headlines is so exceptional as to be 'news.' Most families are bound by ties of tender devotion, which the occasional friction or tension of dwelling in close proximity cannot destroy. Most husbands and wives are faithful and loving and indispensable to each other. Books and plays that discolor the universe with sensational misrepresentation, with untrue readings of life, cannot by their lying version efface the fact that In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorious Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15, Mr. Longworth continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorious Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15, Mr. Longwort continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorous Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15, Mr. Longwort continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorous Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15, Mr. Longwort continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorous Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15, Mr. Longwort continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals, La Follette, Frazier, Ladd and Brookhart, from all matters affecting party management and control. In his speech in the House, Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member of the House from Wisconsin or anywhere else. He said he wished anti-Republicans like Mr. Frear of Wisconsin would come back to the party. But he pointed out that these radicals had supported La Follette and done all they could do to defeat President Coolidge and, in many cases, Republican candidates for congress. They had a perfect right to do this, said Mr. Longworth. They did it with the utmost deliberation. But while they expected and hoped, no doubt, for victory, they must at the same time be prepared to take the consequences of defeat. "Surely no sane man could have believed that the consequences of defeat should have involved anything less than divorce, temporarily at least, from any advantages to be gained by membership in the victorous Republican party." After describing how the La Follette group of 20 formed itself into a "bloc" to offset the Republican majority of 15，Mr. Longwort continued: "I have not time to point out the evils of bloc government in the congress of the United States. Such a system was not contemplated by the framers of the American Constitution. It simply won't work here. Under our system there must be an actual and reasonable cohesive majority in the House which must assume responsibility for not inviting the La Follette group and its followers to the Republican group on February 27. Senate leaders are standing firm in their determination to exclude the four La Follette radicals，La Follette，Frazier，Ladd和Brookhart，从all matters affecting party management和control. In his speech in the House，Majority Leader Longworth said he had no feeling of hostility toward any member ofthe House from Wisconsin or anywhere else.Here he wished anti-Republicans like Mr.Frearof Wisconsin would come backtotheparty.Becausethepeoplegillowherethathasforsoontoitsgreathumorpatriotslistidifyoftherepublicdestroyit?" UNPOPULARY R.L.McCaule treasury.ispandthemostinWashingtonment'sofficialtreasure."Itlittenduplicateanexamplepartmentsintheandeconomy.hployesshallarrueuntilworkinghistheyshallworkexclusionof ANAHEIM GAZETTE SIGNIFICANCE OF IT When 15,000 people assemble in Madison Square Garden and 5000 outside vainly strive to get into the building, all intent upon praising the soviet government of Russia—as happened last Sunday afternoon in New York City—it is idle to say that Bolshevism has little support in the United States. The occasion was a memorial mass meeting for Lenine, the arch apostle of that brand of tyrannous rule which has no place in this republic. The men and women who constituted that gathering are not imbued with a desire to change some phase of our government or to advocate its alteration for the better, but to abolish it altogether and substitute in its place a dictatorship of the proletariat. Just what would such a change mean? The answer is found in Russia. The men and women who were at Madison Square Garden would give this country the form of mis-rule that has made that great empire a wreck. They would take from every property owner in this, the greatest and most prosperous land under the sun, every last cent he possessed and deprive him of all title to property. gossiping and visiting during office hours. While there are thousands of faithful government employees in Washington, the amount of loafing, time-killing and over-staffing of offices, despite all the effort that has been made to put the public service on a more efficient basis, is astonishing. If all the dead wood in the departments were weeded out, better pay could be provided for employees who complain that the government is not a generous employer, and the work done more cheaply and efficiently. A great deal of effort is put forth to protect the employee in the civil service, but the protection of the public against such imposition as this is an unpopular job that has had little attention. The explanation is that few people work for the government as they would for a private employer. That we have a comptroller of the treasury who stands for the protection of the public treasury is a fact that should not be lost sight of by the taxpayers of the United States, who are sadly in need of real friends. "Life's a funny proposition, after all," sang George Cohan. And as long as you can keep it funny instead of tragic you are going to get along very well, even if you think you are not getting along very well. No job is harder than trying to collect the right, which you undoubtedly have, to live your own life. This six-cylinder De Luxe Sedan is low enough in cost for the family's everyday needs—fine enough in appearance for the debutante's wedding—sturdy enough for years of dependable, trouble-free service! Fisher body, of course! Duco finish, L-Head engine, bumpers, trunk—and fittings galore! Buy this "best of the light sixes" on General Motors' easy payment plan! OLDSMOBILE Six FRAHM OLDSMOBILE CO., 420 So. Los Angeles St. It Pays to Advertise When the dimpled baby's hungry, what does the baby do? It doesn't lie serenely and merely sweetly coo; The hungry baby bellows with all its little might. Till somenoe gives it something to curb its appetite. The infant with the bottle which stills its fretful cries A lesson plainly teaches: It pays to advertise. When the dimpled baby's hungry, what does the baby do? It doesn't lie serenely and merely sweetly coo; The hungry baby bellows with all its little might Till somenoe gives it something to curb its appetite. The infant with the bottle which stills its fretful cries A lesson plainly teaches: It pays to advertise. The lamb lost on the hillside when darkness closes round Stands not in silence, trembling and waiting to be found; Its plaintive bleating echoes across the vales and meads Until the shepherd hears it, and hearing kindly heeds, And when its fears are ended, as on its breast it lies, The lamb has made this patent: It pays to advertise. The fair and gentle maiden who loves the bashful boy Assumes when in his presence a manner that is coy, She blushes and she trembles till he perceives at last And clasps her closely to him and gladly holds her fast, And as he bends to kiss her and as she serenely sighs, This fact is demonstrated: It pays to advertise. Advertise in the Gazette for Results B. HARTFIELD JEWELER AND OPTICIAN 108 West Center St. Anaheim WITH SCG COURTESY Gas Service---Not Gas We speak of various kinds of service, mail service, train service, telephone service. Why not Gas Service? Gas Service is what you buy, use Gas Service---Not Gas We speak of various kinds of service, mail service, train service, telephone service. Why not Gas Service? Gas Service is what you buy, use and pay for, not merely the GAS. Gas without service is a mere vapor. With the service rendered by your company it becomes the finest of fuels—clean, reliable and economical. And what's more, it is ready when you want it. The term "gas bill" is misleading. It should be "bill for gas service." Southern Counties Gas Company District Superintendent $1.50 Gets the Gazette One Year $1.00 To demonstrate to you, my alling or suffering one, what a well-schooled Chiropractor, one educated, also, in the general drugless healing art, and well read in medicine as a whole, can do for you, I have cut my fees in half. Now $1.00 straight. Take as many as you need while these rates are available. Bring your dollar with you. DR. G. A. NETH 110 N. RESH ST., NEAR CENTER PHONE 80 Let Your Troubles DR. G. A. NETH 110 N. RESH ST., NEAR CENTER PHONE 80 Let Your Troubles Disappear in Suds Washing Monday, what a start, Twould break most any woman's heart. Ironing Tuesday, tired and hot, This is woman's weekly lot. Wednesday mend and darn all day, Not a chance to get away. Thursday with the neighbors chat, Comparing troubles, this and that. Friday sweep and raise the dust, At night so tired she almost cussed. Saturday bake for Sunday's feed. Sunday cater to family's greed. So seven days it's toll and strife. Through seventy years of woman's life. Stop it, woman 'round 'bout face; Send those clothes to the Sanitary place. Two days we'll save you every week, And bring back roses to your cheek. WM. GILMORE, ANAHEIM AGENT, PHONE 129 ANAHEIM CIGAR STORE, 112 W. CENTER The Sanitary Laundry 225 West Santa Fe Ave. A. W. Cleaver, Prop. FULLERTON Phone 26