anaheim-gazette 1908-07-16
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WHAT'S DOING IN POLITICS
Orange County Turned Over to Herrin by the Action of Subservient County Central Committee—Railroad Crams Estudillo Down the Throat of the People—An Emetic for November
It was altogether fitting that the night-blooming Ceres, Doc McMullan of Olive, should make the argument before the republican county central committee for appointment of delegates to the state and congressional district conventions. Few persons in Orange county are closer to Walter Parker than this man McMullan, who is owned body and pants by the railroad machine. He is not altogether free of suspicion in a deal whereby the office of the late Billy Beckett was to be held up for a consideration, and is known to be in politics for what there is in it. At present a member of the county board of supervisors, he some weeks ago, upon W. R. Carpenter resigning the office of county school superintendent, jumped the office, getting his board of supervisors to appoint him thereto. His ears caught the ominous roar of public disapproval and he ducked back into his seat as supervisor. Now, after rubbing the sore spot in his anatomy where he was, figuratively speaking, kicked West Anaheim—W. J. Montgomery, West Orange—Fred Gerken, Yorba—J. F. Valasco, Laguna—J. N. Isch, proxy to Delhi—Mike Babylon.
W. M. Brown of Orange held a vote in support of McMullan was 21 to 12, with six proxies being those who favored an appointed gation.
The Herrin delegates were named as follows:
S. Smithwick, W. B. William, M. Browne, K. E Watson, D. A. Mullan, D. F. Royer, F. C. Spee John Kellenberger, R. T. Davies, W. Bird, W. R. McAllep, T. B. bert, John Landell, H. L. Wakeha
Many of these names are familiar: There is Doc MacMullan, and K. Watson, and Johnny Kellenberger (who had a job as sergeant at army the last legislature, and will probably get another) and Doc Royer and Bird and the rest of them. The looks like a professional delegate Probably all, with few exceptions take program. If there are any road-free men on the delegation are being led politically astray, are entitled to commiseration. The railroad bucks like MacMullan others of his ilk, there is nothing but to wait until the election, and up and at him, and swat him them) good and hard and plenty.
Good for Contra Costa county a desperate battle between
ago, upon W. R. Carpenter resigning the office of county school superintendent, jumped the office, getting his board of supervisors to appoint him thereto. His ears caught the ominous roar of public disapproval and he ducked back into his seat as supervisor. Now, after rubbing the sore spot in his anatomy where he was, figuratively speaking, kicked out of one office into another, he is understood to be a candidate for the republican nomination for sheriff. If Supervisor Angle cannot head off Supervisor McMullan, the latter will make a try for the office, with Siddy Smithwick eating health food to get into condition for the race.
McMullan's argument for no primaries was that the farmers were "too busy" to think of attending a primary election and subsequent convention, but he knew down deep in his heart that Parker had given him orders to bring this county's delegates to the state convention into the railroad fold. Parker is having the fight of his life right at home. He never went to a state convention with half the Los Angeles delegates openly at war with him until last May, and he may fare worse in the August primaries. He needs the Orange delegates in his business, and when McMullan turned the county central committee over to him, the committee acted like so many sheep, with Johnny Morrison the bell-wether. In Contra Costa county last week the wail of the push was that primary elections cost $15,000, whereas the cost does not exceed $100. But under the cover, the motive, here in Orange as in the upper county, is the fact that the railroad must have these delegates. Members of the committee who voted this way, knowing what they were doing, are political frauds; those who voted with them, not knowing what they were doing, being simply told by influential friends who could help them in their business to do so, have no
Good for Contra Costa county a desperate battle between party men and the entrenched chine the county voted decisive favor of a primary law. The trary appointment of delegate the machine committee, by means which the county was delivered the railroad last May, is at an end and the Lincoln–Roosevelt levy will now be afforded an opportunity of going before the people with issue of corporation rule. The special election, which was held Wednesday last, was hotly contested. The machine made a last sight and its excellent showing the result of vigorous effort made much headway with the action that the holding of primaries would prove very costly, it represented that an additional $10,000 for every campaign would have to be levied. As a matter of fact the primary elections of a paign will not cost more than $altogether.
The interest manifested is indicted by the fact that fully fourths of the total vote of the city was cast. The result was as follows: For the primary, 1491; against the primary, 1386.
The political experts say that victory of the league means the complete flattening out of the machine in Contra Costa county, which in the past been much of a strong hold for it. The league is credited with having ample control of situation to bring about the nation of an anti-railroad candidate for the assembly and to prevent nomination of Martinelli of San Francisco for the senate, he being the chine's choice for the district
in the upper county, is the fact that the railroad must have these delegates. Members of the committee who voted this way, knowing what they were doing, are political frauds; those who voted with them, not knowing what they were doing, being simply told by influential friends who could help them in their business to do so, have no business on the committee; those who stood out against these men and voted for honest primaries, are patriots. All honor to them!
For the honest, machine-free members of the committee who stood out against this infamous action, the party has words of praise, and will have future work for them to do; for McMullan, Johnny Morrison and the other collar-wearers, contempt; for those who voted with them and protest their action was not due to the influence of the machine, suspicion, distrust and disapprobation.
The following members of the committee voted with McMullan:
Anaheim No. 1—F. C. Spencer.
Anaheim No. 2—J. S. Howard, proxy to Spencer.
Bolsa—B. F. Warner, proxy to Smithwick.
Buena Park—Sim Walker.
El Modena—Ralph Fuller.
La Habra—F. R. Aldrich, proxy to Walker.
Los Alamitos—W. R. McAllep.
Olinda—B. W. Bird.
Olive—D. A. MacMullan.
Orangethorpe—J. G. O'Brien.
Orange No. 1—J. W. Morrison.
Orange No. 2—W. S. Gregg.
San Joaquin—Charles H. King.
San Juan—John Landell.
Santa Ana No. 5—Sid Smithwick.
San Bernardino is hot on the trail of an appropriation for a federal building, and has hopes that next congress will come to its terms with a generous slice out of the public barrel. The Sun has the follow bearing upon the subject:
An effort was made to get Congressman Smith to at least get appropriation for a site in the district which passed the last session, but representative from the eighth district made it rather clear that good fortune would not be ours until a later congress. Now Mr. Hanford has taken up the matter through Senator Flint, which placed our request early before him though in his reply he says the matter is two years away, but he agrees to remember San Bernardino when the time comes. Public buildings go by something of a rule, and all things being equal, the city in district which has the largest receipts gets the first building. Was on this basis that Mr. Smith cured an appropriation of $125 million for a site and building for San Bernardino.
Barbara in the bill recently enacted. The next city in order of postal precedence was Riverside, and he attempted to get a similar appropriation for Riverside, but the house committee on public buildings would not stand for the two, and cut Riverside out.
But when the bill got over into the senate—the public building bill general originates in the lower house—Senator Flint “went to it” and got the Riverside item inserted, as an amendment, to which the house agreed, and both the Santa Barbara and the Riverside public buildings are thus provided for.
When Congressman Smith was here this week, the subject was again put to him, and Mr. Smith replied that for the bill two years hence, if the district can get only one public building, it will be between San Bernardino, Redlands and Bakersfield, the postal receipts of which are very close together, with those of San Bernardino increasing more rapidly than either of the other cities. And if the receipts should at that time still be close together, it will be up to the people and politicians of this city to get out the longest pole in the wood yard and knock the persimmon.
In a recent address at Alameda former Governor Geo. C. Pardee made the following frank and timely remarks on the power of the machine in politics and the battle that is now being waged against that corporations put upon them they always have done in public peril, assert their right take again into their own hands powers which temporarily, then and Schmitzes of high power low degree have taken from
The San Francisco Call proclaimed of the most significant and active articles any California paper has printed in many places the beginning of the revelation “Jim” Rea concerning the control of this state by the State Pacific. Every citizen of the monwealth should read that and remember it.
Rea can tell more, and prove he will. Asked why he did not up these matters before him “The people were not prepared to receive these revelations, and next place, there was no reach the people of this state press was all compromised you couldn’t get an answer. Those conditions are changing people are now ready for revelations such as Rea has made and will and now there are newspapers will print them.
The force of Rea’s revival springs from the fact that he —personally knows—what he is thinking about. All of these things saw and part of them he was is the testimony not only of business but of a participant. Inally it is to be remarked that out of politics, “Jim” Rea
In a recent address at Alameda former Governor Geo. C. Pardee made the following frank and timely remarks on the power of the machine in politics and the battle that is now being waged against that power all over the country:
"Against the encroachments upon the rights of the people stands prominently one man, the president of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt.
'You have undoubtedly read his messages to congress of the United States; and you know from these messages how high and patriotic his motives are.
'You have seen him cause to be prosecuted and convicted scores of men in high stations, even senators and representatives in congress, for their violations of the law.
'You have seen him bring to justice even the hitherto unapproachable Standard oil company.
'You have seen him set in motion the processes of the law against Harriman.
'You have seen him defy the hitherto impregnable power of colossal wealth and compel it to recognize that it is not above the law.
'You know how bitterly all these men and interests, from Maine to California, from Oregon to Florida, hate him and all his works. My friends, the battle is on.
"The rights and privileges of the American people, their very liberties, are being threatened by the corrupt and traitorous power of the predatory public service corporations backed by the arrogation and insolence of aggregated and conscienceless wealth. Between them stands the president battling for the right. You have seen San Francisco dragged into the depths of infamy and corruption. You have seen the state of California for many city to get out the longest pole in the wood yard and knock the persimmon."
The force of Rea's revelations springs from the fact that he—personally knows—what he is about. All of these things saw part of them he was is the testimony not only of business but of a participant. Inally it is to be remarked that out of politics, "Jim" Rea has reputation of being a truthful His word is good; he keeps Moreover, he is not afraid not even afraid to tell them that hurt himself. Herrin old hands in his crew know much truth Rea speaks. Do they are wondering how much of it he will tell, and are filled fear. They have reason to Rea's story, as published, is indications that he has known of still other infamies than this has described. Apparently tends to make a thorough job exposure.
The striking feature of Rea dictum is that he deals noferences but in facts. He has behind the curtain. He has to do the things he describes is no guesswork about his ment of the political corruption who have made California Harriman's provinces. And thing that will promote publication in Rea's story is the fact that he has no design unfairly with the men he On the face of it his recital of a rough and ready sense of At the outset Rea says:
For instance, what is the use ing that a man on the supreme corrupt because he stood in railroad and favored Mr. Herrin?
What is the use of saying that in the legislature was corrupt he favored Mr. Herrin?
What is the use of saying banker is corrupt because he this railroad or Mr. Herrin, Herrin just simply represents railroad?
Now, when a man is in bus
is hot on the trail
riation for a federal
has hopes that the
will come to its aid
as slice out of the pork
run has the following
the subject:
made to get Conh to at least get an
for a site in the bill
the last session, but the
from the eighth disather clear that such
would not be ours uncongress. Now Mayor
taken up the matter,
or Flint, which places
early before him, alreply he says the matsis away, but he agrees
San Bernardino when
does. Public buildings
ing of a rule, and other
equal, the city in the
has the largest postal
the first building. It
issus that Mr. Smith seoppiation of $125,000
and building for Santa
ties, are being threatened by the corrupt and traitorous power of the predatory public service corporations backed by the arrogation and insolence of aggregated and conscienceless wealth. Between them stands the president battling for the right. You have seen San Francisco dragged into the depths of infamy and corruption. You have seen the state of California for many years in the hands of a corporation political bureau, her laws set at defiance, her officials controlled and compelled to do the bidding of the corporation rather than that of the people.
"You have seen the senate and the house of representatives of the nation populated by the representatives of the great corporations.
"You have seen the laws defied, the courts paralyzed, the legislature inactive on the side of the corporations. You have seen corrupt men nominated because they were corrupt. You have seen bosses created because they, too, were corrupt.
"You have seen all these things, and blushed because you have seen them. You are intelligent enough to answer for yourselves the question, 'Who governs us?'
"No people can long be free, and no people ought long to be free, who permit their political and governmental affairs to fall into the hands of a class or be administered by designing and unpatriotic men.
"But I have an abiding faith in the American people. I am sure they will, when they become alive to the condition of affairs, rise up, throw off the shackles that the predatory cor-
ing that a man on the supreme
corrupt because he stood in wi
railroad and favored Mr. Herrin?
What is the use of saying that in the legislature was corrupt because he favored Mr. Herrin?
What is the use of saying that in the legislature was corrupt because he favored Mr. Herrin?
What is the use of saying that in the legislature was corrupt because he favored Mr. Herrin?
Now, when a man is in business this state he has got to do from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not only from his standpoint—not
put upon them, and as they have done in time of evil, assert their rights and into their own hands the which temporarily, the Ruefs betzes of high power and have taken from them."
Francisco Call prints one that significant and suggests any California news-printed in many years—being of the revelations concerning the corrupt state by the Southern Every citizen of this com- should read that article under it.
It tell more, and probably asked why he did not open matters before he said: He were not prepared to use revelations, and, in the case, there was no way to people of this state, as the all compromised so that can't get an audience." Conditions are changed; the snow ready for revelations has made and will make, here are newspapers that them.
Face of Rea's revelations from the fact that he knows only knows—what he is talk- All of these things he part of them he was. His mony not only of a wit- a participant. Incident- be remarked that, in and facts, "Jim" Rea has the government are not the servants of the people but of the railroad. William F. Herrin is the government of California. An election is a farce. The boss, big or little, belongs to Herrin. The legislature belongs to him. The courts belong to him. Any jury belongs to him, if he wants it. So runs the story of California's shame. It is a sickening story. It would be frightful enough if it dealt only with the lost liberties of the people, but, according to this man who knows, it goes further: even the lives of men are not safe, he asserts, if they get in the way of the machine. Read this and consider the sinister meaning of it:
A. —Why, if the end justified it there is no limit to this political machine. If a man was to be gotten out of the way—and he is at all irritable or excitable, and he can be provoked into a controversy where there are officers of the law, such as policemen or deputy sheriffs or guards, why, he can be shot down.
Rea has no difficulty in getting at the root and cause of the trouble. On the one hand is the powerful and predatory corporation, and on the other is a newspaper press that has been largely venal. The purchased newspaper hides and protects the corporation that steals from the people their fundamental right—the right to govern themselves. But the press grows less and less corruptible. One honest and fearless newspaper in a community makes venality less and less profitable among its contemporaries. It makes the corrupt control of government more and more expensive and difficult for the predatory corporation. If all or most newspapers were honest and independent such a system of corruption as the Southern Pacific has built up in California would not last long.
There are newspapers that report on them.
Face of Rea's revelations
from the fact that he knows why knows—what he is talking about. All of these things he heard of them he was. His memory not only of a witter participant. Incidentally, he remarked that, in and of being a truthful man,
his good; he keeps faith. He is not afraid. He is afraid to tell the things himself. Herrin and the men in his crew know how Rea speaks. Doubtless wondering how much more ill told, and are filled with why have reason to fear. As published, is full of that he has knowledge over infamies than those he loved. Apparently he in- make a thorough job of his
ing feature of Rea's inthat he deals not in in- it in facts. He has been curtain. He has helped things he describes. There work about his arraign- the political corruptionists made California one of the provinces. And another will promote public crea- Rea's story is the obvious one has no design to deal with the men he attacks. Of it his recital exhibits and ready sense of justice. Let Rea says:
Face, what is the use of say- on the supreme court is because he stood in with the favored Mr. Herrin?
The use of saying that a man feature was corrupt because Mr. Herrin?
The use of saying that a corrupt because he favors or Mr. Herrin, and Mr.
but simply represents this man is in business in themselves. But the press grows less and less corruptible. One honest and fearless newspaper in a community makes venality less and less profitable among its contemporaries. It makes the corrupt control of government more and more expensive and difficult for the predatory corporation. If all or most newspapers were honest and independent such a system of corruption as the Southern Pacific has built up in California would not last long. And the people can make newspapers honest, whether they want to be or not. That is exactly what the people of California are doing now, though they do it slowly. It takes a long time to arouse public sentiment against conditions that have existed for a long time, but once it is aroused there is no turning back.
Whatever wrong against the people "Jim'" Rea may have done in the service of Herrin, he is undoing it and making atonement for it now. His revelations will help greatly in the fight of the people to put the Southern Pacific out of politics. They will serve effectively to bring about such a deep and widespread resentment against the conditions he describes that those conditions can not endure.
The railroad machine crammed Miguel Estudillo down the throats of the republican convention at Riverside on Saturday, as detailed elsewhere in this issue. The thirteen Orange county delegates went to the convention hopefully split, six being anti-railroad and seven being under control of the machine. On the eleventh ballot four of these seven disobeyed their instructions and voted for Estudillo. Previously a secret ballot had been foisted upon the convention by the action of the Riversiders and the faithless seven: It was a fake convention, and an abject railroad tool was nominated over the protest of clean men there assembled. Estudillo cannot be elected. He will probably be the worst beaten man who ever ran for office in the district. He deserves defeat.
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