anaheim-gazette 1922-08-17

WHY I AM FOR MOORE By Chester H. Rowell. This argument is of necessity predominantly personal. It is to show, not yny other people may be for Charles C. Moore for United States senator, but why I am. Of course, if it were only personal it would not be worth making, but there must be many thousands in the same position, and I am undertaking to express the viewpoint for them as well as for myself. But theer are others among the Moore supporters with whose motives and reasons I am frankly out of sympathy. I do not even agree with Moore himself in everything. I am equally chagrined at some of the Johnson support, but I agree with Johnson himself in many things. I stand unequivocally for his former record as governor of California and I disapprove of the personal attacks now being made on him. Why, then, with some of these considerations balancing both ways, and with strong personal motives for preferring to be on the Johnson side, do I feel compelled to be for Moore? It is simply from what I am sure is a correct sense of proportion. When motives conflict, follow the greater. According to Senator Johnson, the issue is "the same old fight with the same old gang." If it were, I should be on his side of it. But he has made it not so. As to the "old gang," he is fighting against a part of it in his opponent's camp, and alongside another part in his own camp. There is escaping unwelcome associates, on either side. The same is true of the original progressives. He has himself piloted both lines, by forcing a new issue which he insisted was important enough to supersede even old friendships. He has thus left no choice, except to follow his example, to those of us who agree with him as to the importance of the issue, but find our behind us, the end is not yet. It is probably no secret that the Harding administration proposes to go as far as senatorial obstruction will permit in meeting new opportunities for world leadership, even, if possible, to the goal of an association of nations, which shall be able, with our participation, to accomplish what the league of nations has proved incapable of doing without that participation. The limits are, first the opportunities which events may present, but, second and chiefly the extent to which the dead weight of the United States Senate can be dragged along. And what depends very largely on whether Hiram Johnson is or is not a member of it. All this may be a deserve dribute to Senator Johnson's fighting force. That fighting is an asset when directed to things which ought to be done, but it is a menace when directed against those things. Not every job is a fighting job. Some of them are thinking jobs, or working jobs, or knowing jobs. Senator Johnson fights them all. Like the celebrated doctor who could cure fits, if it is a fighting job he fights it, and if it is some other sort of a job he turns it into a fight, and fights it. Which means that the rest of us must exercise the discrimination which he disclaims, and determine to what ends fighting is a good or bad thing. This is more than a big question. It is literally the biggest thing in the world. For ages, our children and our children's children will dwell in a better or worse world, according to what the United States senate does next year, or the year after. It is already an inevitably more difficult world by reason of the things which the senate, under Johnson obstruction, has done in the past three years, California itself would now be one of its most precarious centers if he had a cost of less money. The governors speed of the control the spies. In this way er may, if not mum power or violating the law. "Through me I came to this is the thing we highways provide not weigh moors." "This new pivot virtually put yet allow the power from him." "For instance and locked at The driver 'st speed. A little equipped on the limit of the No matter tries to get me he fails. The rolling speed ceeding whatever." "It works in the truck. No more than 25 highway if the fifteen miles at that does the." "The government fifteen miles atvents the rolling exceeding that." "Sometimes rut or have a needa lot of not hamper th particle. They may be used in rolling speed down." ighting against a part of it in his opponent's camp, and alongside another part in his own camp. There is escaping unwelcome associates, on either side. The same is true of the original progressives. He has himself plit both lines, by forcing a new issue which he insisted was important enough to supersede even old friendships. He has thus left no choice, except to follow his example, to those of us who agree with him as to the importance of the issue, but find ourselves on the other side of it. This is an election, not for governor, but for United States senator—and for senator not in 1912 or 1932, but in 1922. The issue is not whether we like it or dislike Hiram Johnson, or whether we approve or disapprove what he did as governor ten years ago, but what we want done in the United States senate now. And for the next two or six years. The one supreme responsibility of the United States senate especially at this time, is its international function. All its domestic jurisdicton it shares equally with the house of representatives. Johnson's re-election is not required to vindicate or accomplish those domestic policies on which we may agree with him. These will be done whether he or his opponent is elected. But California's vote in supreme international affairs will continue to be cast wrong if Johnson is elected and will be cast right if Moore is elected. We may cast our individual votes for many motives, but this is what we shall accomplish. And since not only are international affairs the chief function of the senate, but the United States senate is now the controlling functionary of those affairs in the world, this is the principal thing which we shall accomplish. Therefore, regardless of other considerations, all of which have now become irrelevant or subordinate, those of us who want these things done one way or the other have no choice but to vote for the candidate whose election will result in getting them done that way. The action or inaction of the United States senate, in international matters, is just now the most important things in the world. On these ninety-six men rests the custody of civilizations, in its supreme crisis. The present moment of reconstruction is as critical as even the most critical moments of the war, because what may happen from chaos now is as bad as the worst that might have happened from defeat then. We cannot go for- This is more than a big question. It is literally the biggest thing in the world. For ages, our children and our children's children will dwell in a better or worse world, according to what the United States senate does next year, or the year after. It is already an inevitably more difficult world by reason of the things which the senate, under Johnson obstruction, has done in the past three years. California itself would now be one of its most precarious centers if he had succeeded in his final obstruction. It is a thing so much bigger than personal affiliations or resentments, than welcome or unwelcome associates in a campaign, than jobs or tariff schedules or votes on some pet measure that they shrivel into invisibility beside it. And just this, literally, our vote in August will decide. "On all these matters, Charles C. Moore is not merely 'somebody else,' an alternative for those who are in disagreement with Johnson. He has long been a positive and leading figure in them. In many years of unselfish and unpaid service, nothing in Charles C. Moore's career is finer than his conspicuous leadership in educating California public sentiment on these international problems. In this he has been first among the first, and there could be no better representative to present as a candidate to embody them. The contrast between Governor Johnson's constructive record in Sacramento—and Senator Johnson's obstructive record in Washington has shocked many of his friends. It is not necessary to enter into a subtle analysis of the temperamental reactions which have produced this change. Other and less partial pens have undertaken this, most of them I think unjustly. But the fact itself remains that under one executive environment Governor Johnson used his fighting powers for constructive progress, and under another legislative environment he has used them for reactionary obstruction.' It is into this latter environment that he is asking to be returned, to continue the same course. It is a course which, at least, in its latest phase, not only misrepresented California, but endangered it. It brought nearer the menace of war, to our own shores. And in its future phases, if he is returned, it will set the voice of California, through a spokesman of extraordinary power, against the peace and progress of the world. The very talents of Senator Johnson, directed to that end, be- The action or inaction of the United States senate, in international matters, is just now the most important things in the world. On these ninety-six men rests the custody of civilizations, in its supreme crisis. The present moment of reconstruction is as critical as even the most critical moments of the war, because what may happen from chaos now is as bad as the worst that might have happened from defeat then. We cannot go forward if the rest of the world goes back. When America faced its unique opportunity for leadership in the reconstruction of the world, Senator Johnson was the most effective of all our reactionary forces. The accidental combination of his congenial obstinacy with President Wilson's peace program transformed what had been a hopeless obstruction into a successful one. It defeated here, and thereby devitalized everywhere, the hope of world organization for peace. The present confusion of Europe is the direct consequence. Then, two years ago, it was Hiram Johnson personally and alone, who forced the ambiguity of policy into the last presidential campaign which, if it had afterwards been clarified under the leadership of Hughes and Hoover and the responsibility of President Harding, would have made the Republican victory meaningless and useless. Finally when the Washington conference again justified American leadership, for the security of that half of the world which is nearest to California, Senator Hiram Johnson once more became the chief obstructionist. If accident or sickness had again sent Woodrow Wilson to his aid, California might now be facing an orient as unsafe as Europe. Now, with these records of calamitous success and of fortunate failure... ANAHEIM GAZETTE Convenience Outlets In Every Room a cost of less than $10. The governor regulates the rolling speed of the machine rather than to control the speed of the engine. In this way, Carr declared, the driver may, if necessary, get the maximum power out of his engine without violating the law. "Through my experience," Carr said, "I came to the conclusion that speed is the thing that wears down the highways provided a truck load does not weigh more than 20,000 pounds. "This new governor, I believe, will virtually put a stop to speeding and yet allow the motorists to get as much power from his motor as he needs." For instance, the governor is set and locked at thirty-five miles an hour. The driver 'steps on it up to that speed. A little red light or a bell equipped on the dash tells him he is at the limit of the law. "No matter how hard the driver tries to get more speed out of the car he fails. The governor prevents the rolling speed of the vehicle from exceeding whatever mark it is set for. "It works in the same manner on the truck. No truck that carries a load of less than 22,000 pounds ever hurt a highway if the speed was kept below fifteen miles an hour. It's the speed that does the bad work. "The governor, should it be set at fifteen miles an hour, absolutely prevents the rolling speed of the car from exceeding that rate. "Sometimes a driver will get in a rut or have a hard pull on a hill and needs a lot of gas. Our governor does not hamper the power of the engine a particle. The full amount of power may be used in such places. Only the rolling speed of the machine is kept down." SALE OF PURE BRED STOCK A sale of pure bred livestock will be animals. Every animal consigned is from a clean herd, and is either registered or subject to registry, with papers and each animal is representative of the herd consisting it. This will be a splendid chance for pig and calf clubs to secure animals. A lot of men who make a failure of something, say, "I did the best I could," and think that settles everything, when it merely unsettles everything. NOTICE TO CREDITORS Estate of Katie Wohlgemuth, Deceased. Notice is hereby given, by the undersigned, Executor of the will of Katie Wohlgemuth, Deceased, to the creditors of and all persons having claims against the said deceased to file them with the necessary vouchers in the office of the Clerk of the Superior Court of the County of Orange, State of California, or to exhibit the same with the necessary vouchers to the said Executor at his place of business, Room 3, Golden State National Bank Building, City of Anaheim, County of Orange, State of California, within four months after the first publication of this notice. Dated, this 10th day of August, 1922. CORNELIUS WOHLGEMUTH, Executor of the Will of Katie Wohlgemuth, Deceased. H. V. WEISEL, Attorney for Executor. 8-10-5t SALE OF PURE BRED STOCK A sale of pure bred livestock will be held at the sale pavilion of Rhoades & Rhoades, at Hynes, on Monday, August 21st. There will be twenty young Holstein, Jersey and Guernsey heifers and thirty Duroc, Berkshire, Hampshire and Poland-China bred gilts. Also five or six head of sheep. These animals are donated by the leading breeders of southern California for the purpose of maintaining the pure bred organization and carrying on the work of promotion and increasing the livestock industry in the southern counties of the state. Rhoades & Rhoades are donating the use of their pavilion and their services in conducting the auction and a very lively general interest in the outcome of this sale is indicated by the promptness with which members subscribed good SHERIFF'S SALE In the Superior Court in and for the County of Orange, State of California. Sarah J. Hiller, formerly Sarah J. Baker, Plaintiff, vs. Harold S. Kiggens, J. L. Williams, John Doe, Richard Roe, Mary Doe and Jane Roe, Defendants. Sale Under Foreclosure of Mortgage. Under and by virtue of a decree of foreclosure and order of sale duly made and entered in the Superior Court of the County of Orange, State of California, on the 28th day of July, A. D. 1922, and a Writ of Execution for the enforcement of judgment requiring sale of property under foreclosure of Mortgage issued out of the said Superior Court on the 2nd day of August, A. D. 1922, in the above entitled action, in favor of Sarah J. Hiller, formerly Sarah J. Baker, Plaintiff, and against Harold S. Kiggens, one of the Defendants, a copy of which said decree of foreclosure duly attested under the seal of the said Superior Court on the 2nd day of August, A. D. 1922, and to me delivered on the same day, together with the said writ annexed thereto, whereby I am commanded to sell at public auction for cash, lawful money of the United States, the following and in said decree, described real estate: Situated in the County of Orange, State of California, and particularly described as follows, to wit: A fine assortment of Overhauled Fords and Other Used Cars Everyone a Bargain Six 1921 Ford Tourings Two 1920 Ford Tourings One 1919 Ford Touring Several 1915 to 1918 Ford Tourings One 1920 and one 1921 Ford Coupe One 1921 Ford Sedan A 1919 Mitchell Touring, in fine condition, wire wheels, only $585. Late 1919 Oldsmobile, Oakland, Chevrolet and Overland 1917 Dort, in A1 shape, only $165 SERVICE THAT SATISFIES One 1921 Ford Sedan A 1919 Mitchell Touring, in fine condition, wire wheels, only $585. Late 1919 Oldsmobile, Oakland, Chevrolet and Overland 1917 Dort, in A1 shape, only $165 SERVICE THAT SATISFIES WICKERSHEIM IMPLEMENT CO. FULLERTON, CAL. Hannah L. Horwitz CANDIDATE FOR Justice of the Peace OF ANAHEIM TOWNSHIP 15 years' experience in Judge Howard's office. Your vote and support appreciated. Primary Election, August 29th, 1922 I THANK YOU Consider the Screen Porch Many a housewife is denied the use of a washing machine because there is no place to keep it. Too many houses have been built with small screen porches. By the time laundry trays and a refrigerator are put in there is barely room to move. Now the elastic ironer has come and still more room is needed. A porch that has not ample room for both washing machine and ironer, is not a porch—it is little more than a cupboard. When you build or remodel, remember this. Make the screen porch large enough. Then install CONVENIENCE OUTLETS, not only in the porch but in every room so that connecting an appliance will be as easy as turning a faucet. The cost of installation is small when properly designed. Any electrical contractor-dealer is prepared to give expert advice. Southern California Edison Company Are You in Need of Any of the Following Articles They are products of the foremost manufacturers and a guarantee of satisfaction is behind each one: HYDROMETERS WINDSHIELD WIPERS BACK CUSHIONS BOYCE MOTOR METERS TIRE PATCHES RADIATOR CAPS SCREW DRIVERS ROBE LOCKS WRENCHES SPOT LIGHTS GOLDEN STAR POLISH STOP SIGANLS GUARD OF LUSTER MIRRORS NONOLIO DUSTERS ENAMEL RENEWER AMMETERS CHRISTILAC CLEANER STE PMATS CHRISTILAC POLISH HEEL MATS SIMONS KLEENER SPONGES SUPER SHINE CHAMOIS TAIL LIGHT GLASSES LUGGAGE CARRIERS Chas. H. Mann 210 South Los Angeles St. Phone 43 Anaheim Chas. H. Mann 210 South Los Angeles St. Phone 43 Anaheim EDWARD B. MERRITT CANDIDATE FOR AUDITOR Of Orange County Primary Election, Tuesday, August 29, 1922