anaheim-gazette 1915-09-23

KEYNOTE SPEECH DELIVERED BY TAFT EX-PRESIDENT MAKES AN ELOQUENT ADDRESS ON POLITICAL ISSUES DECLARES CALIFORNIA IS SUFFERING FROM TOO MUCH REFORM LEGISLATION Republicans from all sections of Southern California gathered at Trinity auditorium, Los Angeles, Saturday night to hear Ex-President William H. Taft discuss political issues. His address is regarded as the keynote speech, defining the issues in the campaign upon which the country will shortly enter. He rapped the democratic party for its inefficiency, but the main part of his address was directed toward Gov. Johnson and his obedient legislation, declaring that California was suffering from too much reform legislation. In part he said: The heaping up of legislation unduly to restrict and tax corporate activities has frightened capital. New investments are not being made. Timidity rules the markets for capital, in which progress, conceived by promoters, is made possible by the confidence of those who control capital. In no state has such legislation been as varied and as far reaching as in your own state. Regulation has been the order of the day. Commission after commission has been created to exercise a discretionary executive power over many fields of business. the government of parties by the general primary and the addition to this of a newly patented device called state nonpartisanship. The purpose and effect of such a system is to destroy party loyalty and discipline and to stimulate activity and organization, no for the enforcement of governmental principles, but for the promotion of personal political ambition and preferment. If the state is to save politics from the evil of corrupt party management by rigid regulation, the first end to be sought is that only those who are really members of the party should have a voice in selecting its candidates. Yet in all the bewildering mass of regulations to prevent any but the greatest self-seekers and the richest aspirants from successfully running the gauntlets of the technical and burdensome requirements of a candidate in a primary, there is but one short provision indicating any desire of the lawmakers to exclude members of one party or of no party from voting in the primary of another party. Under the previous law, electors who registered were required to note their party affiliations when they registered many months before an election and were not permitted to vote in any primary but that of the party under whose banner they enlisted. That was some practical restriction in the interest of common fairness. So long before the primary election men would perhaps be likely to have no motive for misrepresenting their party allegiance or affiliation. But by the new act now to be voted upon, even this restriction is abolished and voters are permitted to declare their party affiliations at the time of the primary. The abuses which grow out of such a loose system have been seen in many states. The voters of one party have often deliberately voted in the primary of the opposing party to nominate for it a weak candidate so as to secure their real party's victory. The controller of a great patronage machine under such a system could easily use the compact minority which he controls to nominate the candidates for both leading parties, and his power to do so is much strengthened by laws which destroy the machinery of party government by committing it to candidates selected in such a primary. The heaping up of legislation unduly to restrict and tax corporate activities has frightened capital. New investments are not being made. Timidity rules the markets for capital, in which progress, conceived by promoters, is made possible by the confidence of those who control capital. In no state has such legislation been as varied and as far reaching as in your own state. Regulation has been the order of the day. Commission after commission has been created to exercise a discretionary executive power over many fields of business activity. Such commissions have greatly increased the executive patronage and the annual expenditure of public funds. Your annual governmental expenses are rapidly increasing. Since 1911 the report of the Secretary of State seems to show an increase in them of more than 40 per cent in three years—while in the same time the capitalizations of foreign and domestic corporations annually filed with the Secretary of State have been reduced from $1,500,000,000 in 1911 to $500,000,000 in 1915. The significance of this increase of government expenses and reduction of newly invested capital cannot be gainsaid and by way of illustration bears out what I have said, that, in our proper eagerness to prevent the corrupt reign of corporate power, we have injured and frightened legitimate capital and we are going to suffer for it. In our country, and especially in these newer states, new capital is essential to growth, and growth is essential to your life. Unless we advance we will retrograde. You have a magnificent state, you have an energetic, self confident people, you have enormous natural resources, but you cannot make water run up hill, you cannot reverse the economic laws, you cannot burden the investment of needed new capital with a paternal and unnecessary supervision, and hold over the threat of executive interference and disturbance without frightening it from the state or forcing such an interest rate for its use as to clog the wheels of natural progress. The country has suffered and your state has suffered, and is to suffer more from the fallacy that you can work every reform by the words, be it enacted. Legislation can accomplish much along practical lines which experience justifies. An imaginative, aspiring, self confident people who look back to a great and successful growth are easily led, however, into the view that legislation can do much more than this; and the lesson which the future is to teach them is that over legislation can destroy much more than wise legislation can build up. Legislation cannot compel the investment of private capital necessary to the growth of the state, but it can by its unwisdom, and injustice and busybody supervision drive it to other fields. What will be the result of this new patent of state nonpartisanship? The people will lose the ordinary machinery for giving forth their will in governmental action. They will have no opportunity in an organized way to formulate policies through parties and party leaders. Legislators will have no defined mandate from the people as they do when elected on a party platform to ratify their victory. The controller of a great patronage machine under such a system could easily use the compact minority which he controls to nominate the candidates for both leading parties, and his power to do so is much strengthened by laws which destroy the machinery of party government by committing it to candidates selected in such a primary. The only way in which popular government can be made useful and effective is through party lines. A party is a body of electors who agree on certain principles of governmental policy and unite to put those principles into legislation and executive action. The history of free government has shown that it is only through parties, organized, united and active, that the will of the majorities can be interpreted into effective governmental action. More than this, and almost as important, is the organization of the minority into an active united party which shall constitute an opposition to the party in power. By its scrutiny and criticism of what is being done an opposition party can restrain the action of the government within reasonable bounds and make clear to the whole people the defects and mistakes of the policy which they oppose. The usefulness of parties is not confined to national issues. The state is a great government. Its policies are of vast importance to the people. Why should they not have on the one hand the benefit of the party system in truly carrying the will of the majority into useful legislation and on the other hand the benefit of a party in opposition, to subject to proper scrutiny and criticism that which those intrusted with power are doing with that power? It is true that in municipal government some have thought that regular party politics interfered with the proper conduct of parochial matters. But municipal matters are one thing and the policies of an independent state with complete legislative power, over a much wider field than that of congress in the same territory, are a very different thing. No one in the whole history of the wildest hysteria of radical legislation has ever before suggested a destruction of party government in states. There has been no abuse made manifest in such state party government and no evil that can be traced to it in municipal matters. What will be the result of this new patent of state nonpartisanship? The people will lose the ordinary machinery for giving forth their will in governmental action. They will have no opportunity in an organized way to formulate policies through parties and party leaders. Legislators will have no defined mandate from the people as they do when elected on a party platform to ratify their victory. The controller of a great patronage machine under such a system could easily use the compact minority which he controls to nominate the candidates for both leading parties, and his power to do so is much strengthened by laws which destroy the machinery of party government by committing it to candidates selected in such a primary. The only way in which popular government can be made useful and effective is through party lines. A party is a body of electors who agree on certain principles of governmental policy and unite to put those principles into legislation and executive action. The history of free government has shown that it is only through parties, organized, united and active, that the will of the majorities can be interpreted into effective governmental action. More than this, and almost as important, is the organization of the minority into an active united party which shall constitute an opposition to the party in power. By its scrutiny and criticism of what is being done an opposition party can restrain the action of the government within reasonable bounds and make clear to the whole people the defects and mistakes of the policy which they oppose. The usefulness of parties is not confined to national issues. The state is a great government. Its policies are of vast importance to the people. Why should they not have on the one hand the benefit of the party system in truly carrying the will of the majority into useful legislation and on the other hand the benefit of a party in opposition, to subject to proper scrutiny and criticism that which those intrusted with power are doing with that power? It is true that in municipal government some have thought that regular party politics interfered with the proper conduct of parochial matters. But municipal matters are one thing and the policies of an independent state with complete legislative power, over a much wider field than that of congress in the same territory, are a very different thing. No one in the whole history of the wildest hysteria of radical legislation has ever before suggested a destruction of party government in states. There has been no abuse made manifest in such state party government and no evil that can be traced to it in municipal matters. What will be the result of this new patent of state nonpartisanship? The people will lose the ordinary machinery for giving forth their will in governmental action. They will have no opportunity in an organized way to formulate policies through parties and party leaders. Legislators will have no defined mandate from the people as they do when elected on a party platform to ratify their victory. The controller of a great patronage machine under such a system could easily use the compact minority which he controls to nominate the candidates for both leading parties, and his power to do so is much strengthened by laws which destroy the machinery of party government by committing it to candidates selected in such a primary. The only way in which popular government can be made useful and effective is through party lines. A party is a body of electors who agree on certain principles of governmental policy and unite to put those principles into legislation and executive action. The history of free government has shown that it is only through parties, organized, united and active, that the will of the majorities can be interpreted into effective governmental action. More than this, and almost as important, is the organization of the minority into an active united party which shall constitute an opposition to the party in power. By its scrutiny and criticism of what is being done an opposition party can restrain the action of the government within reasonable bounds and make clear to the whole people the defects and mistakes of the policy which they oppose. The usefulness of parties is not confined to national issues. The state is a great government. Its policies are of vast importance to the people. Why should they not have on the one hand the benefit of the party system in truly carrying the will of the majority into useful legislation and on the other hand the benefit of a party in opposition, to subject to proper scrutiny and criticism that which those intrusted with power are doing with that power? It is true that in municipal government some have thought that regular party politics interfered with the proper conduct of parochial matters. But municipal matters are one thing and the policies of an independent state with complete legislative power, over a much wider field than that of congress in the same territory, are a very different thing. No one in the whole history of the wildest hysteria of radical legislation has ever before suggested a destruction of party government in states. There has been no abuse made manifest in such state party government and no evil that can be traced to it in municipal matters. What will be the result of this new patent of state nonpartisanship? The people will lose the ordinary machinery for giving forth their will in governmental action. They will have no opportunity in an organized way to formulate policies through parties and party leaders. Legislators will have no defined mandate from the people as they do when elected on a party platform to ratify their victory. The controller of a great patronage machine under such a system could easily use the compact minority which he controls to nominate the candidates for both leading parties, and his power to do so is much strengthened by laws which destroy the machinery of party government by committing it to candidates selected in such a primary. The only way in which popular government can be made useful and effective is through party lines. A party is a body of electors who agree on certain principles of governmental policy and unite to put those principles into legislation and executive action. The history of free government has shown that it is only through parties, organized, united and active, that the will of the majorities can be interpreted into effective governmental action. More than this, and almost as important, is the organization of the minority into an active united party which shall constitute an opposition to the party in power. By its scrutiny and criticism of what is being done an opposition party can restrain the action of the government within reasonable bounds and make clear to the whole people the defects and mistakes of the policy which they oppose. The usefulness of parties is not confined to national issues. The state is a great政府。 Its policies areof vast importancetothepeople.Whyshouldtheynothaveontheonehandthebenefitofthepartysystemintrulycarryingthewillofthemajorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theorganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,the Organizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintouneffectivegovernmentalaction.Morethanthis,andmostasimportant,theOrganizationoftheminorityintOUNEFICATION).MORETHAN THIS AND MOST AS IMPORTANT TO THE POLITICAL PARTY IN THE SYSTEM This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governerturnGovernmentmalemortalityfromstatepoliticalpartyinthesystem This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governerturnGovernmentmalemortalityfromstatepoliticalpartyinthesystem This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governerturnGovernmentmalemortalityfromstatepoliticalpartyinthesystem This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governertURNGOVERNMENTMALEMORTALITYFROMSTATEPOLITICALPARTYINTHESYSTEM This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governertURNGOVERNMENTMALEMORTALITYFROMSTATEPOLITICALPARTYINTHESYSTEM This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera governertURNGOVERNMENTMALEMORTALITYFROMSTATEPOLITICALPARTYINTHESYSTEM This nonpartisan capshell or a systemmake it most difficultfrompowera 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systemmake它最困难，从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律，从政治到经济，从社会到文化，从个人到集体，从人民到国家。从权力到法律,从政治到经济,从社会到文化,从个人到集体,从人民到国家。从权力到法律,从政治到经济,从社会到文化,从个人到集体,从人民到国家。从权力到法律,从政治到经济,从社会到文化,从个人到集体,从人民到国家。从权力到法律,从政治到经济,从社会到文化,从个人到集体,从人民到国家。从权力到法律,从政治到经济,从社会到文化,从个人向集体,向全体,向少数,向多数,向少数,向多数,向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向少数，向多数，向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多数， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向多少， 向更多人参与治理，为实现社会主义现代化提供支持。为促进经济发展，为提高生活质量，为改善环境，为保护生态环境，为促进可持续发展，为提高公众参与意识，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与积极性，为提高公众参与效果，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与能力，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿，为提高公众参与意愿， 向更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到治理中，与更多人参与到 experience justifies. An imaginative, aspiring, self confident people who look back to a great and successful growth are easily led, however, into the view that legislation can do much more than this; and the lesson which the future is to teach them is that over legislation can destroy much more than wise legislation can build up. Legislation cannot compel the investment of private capital necessary to the growth of the state, but it can by its unwisdom and injustice and busybody supervision drive it to other fields. The second class of excesses to which the zeal of the people, in attempting to prevent a recurrence of corrupt corporate control of politics, has carried them has been the substitution of what is called pure or direct democracy for the representative system. The referendum, the initiative and the recall have supplanted the old plan of the delegation of executive and legislative authority to trusted agents who were compelled at regular periods to give an account of their stewardship. The convention of delegates elected by a political party has given way to what is called the general primary system. That which was supposed to be a mere voluntary organization of electors agreeing on general principles of governmental policy has now become the subject of rigid statutory regulation, and conventions are now in effect forbidden by law. I do not tonight intend to discuss the lask of wisdom in the initiative, referendum and recall, or to point out by evidence accumulating mountain high that legislation which is the result of such a system is much less expressive of the real will of the majority of the people than legislation under the old representative system. Its real result is that the legislation of a state is enacted not by a majority of voters, but by an active and organized minority of them. The legislation is not subjected to the careful scrutiny of close debate and discussion and amendment, but is forced down the throats of all the people in an undigested mass. What I wish to dwell on tonight, however, is the effect of the substitution of the so-called pure democracy for the representative system in suggested a destruction of party government in states. There has been no abuse made manifest in such state party government and no evil that can be traced to it is in municipal matters. What will be the result of this new patent of state nonpartisanship? The people will lose the ordinary machinery for giving forth their will in governmental action. They will have no opportunity in an organized way to formulate policies through parties and party leaders. Legislators will have no defined mandate from the people as they do when elected on a party platform to vote along the lines therein indicated. The legislators will not be an organized body, in the sense of having recognized divisions of their members whose election under their respective party banners now give them useful cohesion in passing or opposing legislation and in supporting or attacking a responsible executive. It would give to an executive a vast and dangerous power. There would be no organized force in the legislature to stand against him. Party allegiance has usually hindered a governor-or chief executive in influencing opposition legislators to yield to his will. He has not been able to control them in legislation or to restrain them from attacking the defects and evils of his administration. But if there is no organized opposition of a party kind, the field of executive influence will be greatly widened and his irresponsible power will be greatly increased. One can conceive in the abolition of state parties a complete subjection to a governor in control of a government composed chiefly of commissions intrusted with great patronage and wide discretionary power to hamper and harass business and corporate activities. The organization which a governor of great personal ambition and political experience could effect with many thousand government employees would absolutely control the state. The absence of any party organization to oppose his manipulations would enable him with the compact minority he could rally to every primary through this office holders' organization, to exercise much influence in the election in the primaries, of candidates for the state offices and for the legislature. He would thus have power to Turning now from national parties, I wish thing of the duty of the present juncture, with Germany are involved. The president but he is our president if he were a republican sue is in the settling, by him in his effort yet assert and maintain neutrals. That is good trine. And I have no any who, for partisanism, the open expression This expression may used by narrow head partisans as a campaign President Wilson's that should not restrain him such backing whilof the people In standin in the highest interest. This expression wives when the appropriate our just criticism of policy, or his Philippine change in our for which he is in which showed its deem upon our business prior year of its operation ropean war somewhat effect. It need not answer our eyes to the lack efficiency which his an political reasons, with fitness, have already had effects of which will pear as his administra The finances of tha are in a bad condition of $75,000,000 for tha an encouraging fact tha consider that we are 2000 by the repeal off and as much more off of the so-called war There is no farsighted democratic party ways and means amd no apparent sensibility. This is greatly in the immediate necesi amount of additional rendering our national quate. The country ernmental capacity o party to meet the exigence be presented to it in tha The BIG SHOW Orange County Fair! OCTOBER 12 TO 16 INCLUSIVE At Santa Ana Race Track Grounds One mile and a half south and west of Santa Ana To be one of the Best Educational and Instructive Events in the History of Orange County $4000.00 to be Given in Premiums, Prizes and Purses The premium list will soon be out, be sure and get one and in the meantime the following is a prospectus of the list—some of the principal features of which are: $175.00 In Cash for the best collective exhibit from any district or community in Orange County exclusive of Santa Ana. $70.00 In Cash for the best exhibit from any one farm in Orange Co $400.00 In Cash distributed for miscellaneous exhibits covering horticultural, agricultural and nursery displays. $1500.00 In Premiums for the live stock and poultry exhibits $200.00 Cash for the Woman’s Departments including art, fancy and needle work, domestic science, canned fruits, etc. $100.00 In Silver Cups for baby show to be held one day during fair. $75.00 In Prizes for best exhibits in school work for the schools of Orange County. $100.00 In Prizes for athletic events from all schools of Orange Co. $50.00 In Cash for floral exhibits, potted plants and cut flowers. organize the legislature. In the destruction of all political party organizations he would become the one political party in the state. This nonpartisan proposal is the capsaeof a system which would make it most difficult to dislodge from power a governor willing to turn governmental agencies into a personal political machine. It is one of those humorous anomalies of politics that such a change should be urged in the interest of free, popular government and as a sequel to a movement which had its origin in the popular determination to oust a railroad and corporate political machine from state control. It may succeed. It ought not to. If it does, it will entail upon the people of California additional burdens. But in the end they will see the light and end the system by a supreme effort. Turning now from state parties to national parties, I wish to say something of the duty of republicans in the present juncture. Our relations with Germany are in a critical condition. The president is a democrat but he is our president as much as if he were a republican. While the issue is in the settling, we should stand by him in his effort to avoid war and yet assert and maintain our rights as neutrals. That is good republican doctrine. And I have no patience with any who for partisan reasons grudge next five years and we of the republican faith ought to gird on our armor for the struggle in 1916. The progressive party is fast disintegrating and its rank and file are disappearing into the republican told. They are not making any conditions as to their return. They are not entirely satisfied with the result of what they did in 1912 and they are willing to be treated as republicans and act as such. We are glad to welcome them and to treat them in this way. Their leaders, however, are assuming the attitude of men in a position to force a compromise with the regular republican party to demand concessions on the theory that unless the concessions are made, they can aign defeat the party. I do not say that they may not make republican victory more difficult if they continue their party organization and put a candidate in the field. But what I insist upon is, that no concessions should be made involving a giving up of republican principles and an embracing of progressive principles in a republican platform. Republicans of California, what I want to say to you is, take courage, fight the good fight of republicanism. Oppose with all your might this insidious sapping of popular government and substitution of personal ambition and power for the party system in your state under the false name of compromise. "The stability of this country in peace and war is due mainly to the mining engineer. Our industrial strength comes from the mines, the mills and the furnaces, which have in their substance all the sinews of war." "One thing we may feel sure of, and that is that no nation can ever make a scrap of paper out of a gold eagle. "It has been estimated that actual value of gold deposits should be multiplied eight times to get their true value in credit and capital. If this is true, California has contributed in gold alone over twelve thousand million dollars to the capital wealth of the United States." "California was born a mining state, and received its baptism in the south fork of the American river when Joan Marshall discovered gold in 1848. That was the beginning of the golden age for California and for the world." "The golden age means more than the age of gold. It is the age of progress and industrial renown and wealth. These things were made possible through means afforded by the mining engineer who has multiplied..." Turning now from state parties to national parties, I wish to say something of the duty of republicans in the present juncture. Our relations with Germany are in a critical condition. The president is a democrat but he is our president as much as if he were a republican. While the issue is in the settling, we should stand by him in his effort to avoid war and yet assert and maintain our rights as neutrals. That is good republican doctrine. And I have no patience with any who, for partisan reasons, grudge the open expression of such support. This expression may be subsequently used by narrow headed democratic partisans as a campaign argument for President Wilson's re-election; but that should not restrain us in giving him such backing when the solidarity of the people in standing by him is in the highest interest of our country. This expression will not prevent, when the appropriate time arrives, our just criticism of his Mexican policy, or his Philippine policy, or of the change in our economic policy for which he is responsible and which showed its destructive effect upon our business prosperity for the year of its operation before the European war somewhat neutralized its effect. It need not and will not close our eyes to the lack of governmental efficiency which his appointments, for political reasons, without regard to fitness, have already created and the effects of which will more fully appear as his administration wears on. The finances of the government are in a bad condition. The deficit of $75,000,000 for the last year is not an encouraging fact to face when we consider that we are to lose $50,000,000 by the repeal of the sugar tax and as much more by the lapsing of the so-called war revenue tax. There is no farsighted leadership in the democratic party in respect to ways and means and expenditures and no apparent sense of responsibility. This is greatly to be regretted in the immediate necessity for a large amount of additional expenditure in rendering our national defence adequate. The country needs the governmental capacity of the republican party to meet the exigencies that will be presented to it in the course of the Republicans of California, what I want to say to you is, take courage, fight the good fight of republicanism. Oppose with all your might this insidious sapping of popular government and substitution of personal ambition and power for the party system in your state under the false name of nonpartisanship. Welcome the returning progressives as republicans, make no compromise with the leaders of a disintegrating party, stand by republican principles and those who sincerely uphold them. Have none of the crazy quilt of the progressive platform which would destroy constitutional government and our national representative system. The American people are clear headed. They may be mislead by enthusiastic self-confidence into grievous mistake; but they are keen to see its evil effects, when the lesson comes. They have no pride of opinion: Let the republican party be true to itself and the country will intrust it with power with which it can again earn the gratitude of the American people. CALIFORNIA GOLD California has added over one thousand two hundred millions of dollars to the world's supply of gold since 1848, declared W. L. Saunders of New York, president of the American Institute of Mining Engineers, in an address delivered at the Panama-Pacific exposition on Mining Engineers' Day. Saunders's speech was a part of the programme of the convention of the American Institute of Mining Engineers which opened there last week. "Military supremacy comes from the same elements as industrial supremacy. It is mainly a question of organizing the resources of the country," said President Saunders. OUR BROTHERS IN RED Thomas L. Sloan of Washington, D. C., an eighth-blood Indian of the Omaha tribe, and a member of the Society of American Indians says that an organized movement will soon be made for removal of the restrictions which now govern Indians on government reservations. Mr. Sloan intimated that the purpose of the movement will be to end the reservation system entirely, but that in any event, it will hopefully toward an amelioration of what he calls disgraceful conditions tending toward the extermination of all Indians now on reservations. Conditions of Indians on the U.S. reservations are a disgrace to any civilized country. The Indians are dying out because of lack of proper treatment and hygienic living. These are startling assertions, and if Mr. Sloan, or the Society of American Indians, has evidence for the substantiation of such charges, its production before a congressional investigating committee ought to result in action by congress for remedying the ev- The First National Bank Paid up Capital $50,000. Surplus and Undivided Profits over $65,000 Originally organized as a State Bank in 1893. "The Old Reliable Bank" Officers and Directors C. E. HOLCOMB, President. EDGAR J. HARTUNG, Cashier, FRANK SHANLEY, Vice-President. H. L. USTICK, Asst. Cashler. A. S. BRADFORD, Vice-President. M. C. GOFF, Asst. Cashler. SAMUEL KRAEMER Our resources, advice and efficient service are at the disposition of our friends and customers at all times, and we assure you that any business entrusted to our care will receive prompt and careful attention. 4 Per Cent Interest Paid on Time Certificates. BETTER DO YOUR BANKING BUSINESS WITH "The Old Reliable Bank" PALACE MARKET Best the market affords in fresh meats, hams, etc. WM. SCHUMACHER, Prop. LAST CHANCE FOR WM. SCHUMACHER, Prop. LAST CHANCE FOR LOW FARES EAST Sept. 22nd and 23rd are the "wind up" dates for Round Trip Excursions this year to Eastern points If you intend going, better get busy and see a Salt Lake Route Ticket Agent. Our Los Angeles Limited, Pacific Limited, Burlington Limited and Overland Express Trains will give you excellent service in through sleepers to many points East of Salt Lake City Let our agents give you full particulars about going East via the SALT LAKE ROUTE Geo. H. PLATT, C. T. A., Phones 211. J. J. TAVIS, C. P. F. A. 201 W. 4th St., Santa Ana SANTA ANA OFFICE IS AT 201 W. FOURTH ST. Phone or write and we will call HOME OF THE BUICK E. G. GILBERT, AGENT Home Phone 44 Sunset Phone 354-J Accessories, Supplies Central Garage COX & BURKHARDT, Props. VEEDOL OILS Day and Night Service Central Garage COX & BURKHARDT, Props. VEEDOL OILS Day and Night Service Expert Mechanics Prompt Repairing 515 E. Center St. Anaheim, Cal. HOME OF THE BUICK ills complained of. In late years the public opinion of the country, long sensitive on the point of treatment of our brothers in red, has rested, satisfied that the remnants of tribes still on the reservations were in better condition than formerly. During the fiscal year ending with June last, the government expended approximately $20,000,000 on its Indian wards. About one fourth of this sum went into educational work, leaving about $15,000,000 to be expended for proper maintenance and upkeep of reservations for the care of less than 25,000 Indians in all. Possible the time is at hand for ending the reservation system. Certainly there is no longer need of maintaining them as prisoners for hostiles whose hostilities need no longer be feared. Still, as the Indians yet on the reservations are, as a rule, the weakest of their race, and those most likely to become victims of pale face craft and greed, there are two sides to the question. What is plain is that if the reservations are in the condition Mr. Sloan describes, immense sums of government money are being misappropriated. A smooth swindler giving the name of J. W. Robinson victimized Halley & McClellan in a hay sale, and secured $100 in the transaction. The hal belonging to W. W. Nickle of Corona. Officers are after Robinson and he will no doubt be brought to justice. FOR SALE—Latourette's Quality R. I. Reds, Bred to lay. Baby chicks $10.00 per 100; Eggs for Hatching, 75 cents per 15; Incubator lots, $4 per 100. J. H. Latourette's Red Ranch 114 Thalia St. bet. Center St. and Lincoln Ave. West Anaheim. Phone Pacific 388-W. A safe place for your valuable papers is in a saef deposit box in the Anaheim National Bank.