anaheim-gazette 1914-10-01

FREDERICKS EXPOSES JOHNSON'S FAILURE Republican Candidate for Governor Makes Powerful Argument to Orange County Voters Railroad Commission, Public Utilities Act, Repeal of Railroad Passes, Child Labor Law, Workman's Compensation Primary Law, Pure Food Act, Eight-Hour Law, Full Train Crew, Woman Suffrage, all Adopted by Republicans And Democrats In Legislature, With No Progressives Present Before Johnson was Ever Thought of for Governor Proving that Hiram Johnson is making his campaign through California upon specious and untenable fallacies, Claiming credit for enactment of many excellent laws which were written into the statute books years before Johnson was ever thought of for Governor of the state, Captain John D. Fredericks, republican candidate for governor, in his triumphal tour through Orange county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming pean countries, while here walnut men pay their employees the same scale of wages that prevails in the citrus industry. He showed that by free trade these foreign products have driven out California oranges, lemons and walnuts from the eastern markets, and that in consequence of these foreign importations our navel oranges recently sold in New York for $1.00 per box. He showed that in France, Italy and Sicily people live in no such palatial homes as do the farmers of California; they do not ride in automobiles, they have no paved boulevards to ride upon, and they know nothing whatever of the comforts and luxuries of life which are prevalent everywhere here in this garden spot of the world. He showed that free trade meant the crippling of these great California industries, and that a return to the principle of protection was the one paramount political issue now before the voters of this state. He said that California republicans are a unit for this protective policy, and that every democrat engaged in any of these industries was similarly minded. How, then, did it come that we are now enmeshed in hard times, feeling the pinch of poverty in many of our homes because of this democratic free trade propaganda? It was and democratic slave in sight. The of the present citizens, including he had never ment but respective press to the standing), were which they have since that time republican law full powers as without amend These powers and improved a result of experimental amendment was started when was created by In 1909 and the road commission with. The constitutional measure, Johnson knows little the situation the republican would approve its lips and da Here again he by saying that the 'interests'—influence, supplic utilities—yet he admits the ice corporations the commissions Well, whoever proves, let me that my attitude work has never preserve their lie of that committee attitude of the "Now as to this continued. 'The change from themselves take doubtedly is cruelive. It was a Johnson, himself fore there were nominated by the acted by a republic years before." ange county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming credit for enactment of this measure when every voter in California knows that the measure was written into the statutes by republicans and democrats in the legislature, with not one single progressive present, years before Johnson was ever thought of for governor. In like manner the railroad commission bill, the anti-railroad pass bill, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour law, good roads bill and many other acts which Johnson presumptiously claims as laws enacted by the progressive party, all were enacted into low by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before the voters of the state ever heard of Hiram Johnson. These statements by Fredericks are facts which appeal to the reason and common sense of the voter. Likewise Johnson is claiming credit for woman suffrage, when it is well known that he opposed that measure. These are matters of public record, and Johnson can no longer deceive the voters of the state by claiming credit for their enactment. Captain Fredericks spoke to the largest audiences ever gathered in the county at San Juan, Tustin, Santa Ana, Orange, this city and Fullerton, and was accorded an enthusiastic ovation everywhere. He was met at San Juan by a delegation of 500 supporters, traveling in 100 automobiles and was escorted through the county upon a triumphal tour of these several cities, and was cheered and received with unfelled manifestations of welcome at every point. At Fullerton in the evening he addressed the largest political assemblage ever gathered in that city. Along his route he was called upon many times to make the statement that he was passing through the garden spot of California. He passed through miles upon miles of bean fields, and met along the road many threshing outfits with attendant wagons, cooking outfits, and other attributes, and was cheered to the range county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming credit for enactment of this measure when every voter in California knows that the measure was written into the statutes by republicans and democrats in the legislature, with not one single progressive present, years before Johnson was ever thought of for governor. In like manner the railroad commission bill, the anti-railroad pass bill, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour law, good roads bill and many other acts which Johnson presumptiously claims as laws enacted by the progressive party, all were enacted into low by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before the voters of the state ever heard of Hiram Johnson. These statements by Fredericks are facts which appeal to the reason and common sense of the voter. Likewise Johnson is claiming credit for woman suffrage, when it is well known that he opposed that measure. These are matters of public record, and Johnson can no longer deceive the voters of the state by claiming credit for their enactment. Captain Fredericks spoke to the largest audiences ever gathered in the county at San Juan, Tustin, Santa Ana, Orange, this city and Fullerton, and was accorded an enthusiastic ovation everywhere. He was met at San Juan by a delegation of 500 supporters and was escorted through the county upon a triumphal tour of these several cities, and was cheered and received with unfelled manifestations of welcome at every point. At Fullerton in the evening he addressed the largest political assemblage ever gathered in that city. Along his route he was called upon many times to make the statement that he was passing through the garden spot of California. He passed through miles upon miles of bean fields, and met along the road many threshing outfits with attendant wagons, cooking outfits, and other attributes, and was cheered to the range county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming credit for enactment of this measure when every voter in California knows that the measure was written into the statutes by republicans and democrats in the legislature, with not one single progressive present, years before Johnson was ever thought of for governor. In like manner the railroad commission bill, the anti-railroad pass bill, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour law, good roads bill and many other acts which Johnson presumptiously claims as laws enacted by the progressive party, all were enacted into low by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before the voters of the state ever heard of Hiram Johnson. These statements by Fredericks are facts which appeal to the reason and common sense of the voter. Likewise Johnson is claiming credit for woman suffrage, when it is well known that he opposed that measure. These are matters of public record, and Johnson can no longer deceive the voters of the state by claiming credit for their enactment. Captain Fredericks spoke to the largest audiences ever gathered in the county at San Juan, Tustin, Santa Ana, Orange, this city and Fullerton, and was accorded an enthusiastic ovation everywhere. He was met at San Juan by a delegation of 500 supporters and was escorted through the county upon a triumphal tour of these several cities, and was cheered and received with unfelled manifestations of welcome at every point. At Fullerton in the evening he addressed the largest political assemblage ever gathered in that city. Along his route he was called upon many times to make the statement that he was passing through the garden spot of California. He passed through miles upon miles of bean fields, and met along the road many threshing outfits with attendant wagons, cooking outfits, and other attributes, and was cheered to the range county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming credit for enactment of this measure when every voter in California knows that the measure was written into the statutes by republicans and democrats in the legislature, with not one single progressive present, years before Johnson was ever thought of for governor. In like manner the railroad commission bill, the anti-railroad pass bill, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour law, good roads bill and many other acts which Johnson presumptiously claims as laws enacted by the progressive party, all were enacted into low by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before the voters of the state ever heard of Hiram Johnson. These statements by Fredericks are facts which appeal to the reason and common sense of the voter. Likewise Johnson is claiming credit for woman suffrage, when it is well known that he opposed that measure. These are matters of public record, and Johnson can no longer deceive the voters of the state by claiming credit for their enactment. Captain Fredericks spoke to the largest audiences ever gathered in the county at San Juan, Tustin, Santa Ana, Orange, this city and Fullerton, and was accorded an enthusiastic ovation everywhere. He was met at San Juan by a delegation of 500 supporters and was escorted through the county upon a triumphal tour of these several cities, and was cheered and received with unfelled manifestations of welcome at every point. At Fullerton in the evening he addressed the largest political assemblage ever gathered in that city. Along his route he was called upon many times to make the statement that he was passing through the garden spot of California. He passed through miles upon miles of bean fields, and met along the road many threshing outfits with attendant wagons, cooking outfits, and other attributes, and was cheered to the range county, speaking to 10,000 people at various points along his route, proved conclusively the utter hypocrisy of the progressive nominee in claiming credit for enactment of all of these measures. Thus Capt. Fredericks showed that Johnson was himself placed in nomination four years ago by the direct primary law which had been enacted by the legislature two years before. Every voter in Orange county knows this to be true. Johnson and his party are claiming credit for enactment of this measure when every voter in California knows that the measure was written into the statutes by republicans and democrats in the legislature, with not one single progressive present, years before Johnson was ever thought of for governor. In like manner the railroad commission bill, the anti-railroad pass bill, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour law，good roads bill和many other acts which Johnson presumptiously claims as laws enacted by the progressive party，all were enacted into low by 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LU淆)(当前的LU淆)( In the evening he addressed the largest political assemblage ever gathered in that city. Along his route he was called upon many times to make the statement that he was passing through the garden spot of California. He passed through miles upon miles of bean fields, and met along the road many threshing outfits with attendant wagons, cooking outfits, and other attributes, and was cheered to the echo by the many men accompanying the threshers. He passed along many miles of beet plantations, and in his drive through the county sped by three great sugar factories, and heard the hum of industry within their walls. He passed by orange and walnut orchards, mile after mile of them, along well paved and shady boulevards, with hundreds upon hundreds of palatial country homes nestling among beautiful flower gardens and under the unbroken foliage of sub-tropical trees. Many of the homes were decorated with flags in honor of his coming and in the front yards, men, women and children waved greetings to him and cheered him as he passed. He said repeatedly that he was traveling through the garden spot of the state. At all points visited Fredericks spoke of the necessity of a protective tariff for our industries, and pointed out that our citrus growers, walnut men, sugar beet farmers, and bean raisers could not exist under the free trade administration of the democratic party. He showed that Italy, Sicily and Spain raised oranges as good as those grown in this country, that growers in those countries paid their laborers twenty cents a day, while California orchardists paid their employees $2.00 and $2.50 a day. He showed that France could raise walnuts as good as those produced here in Orange county, with the same wages as are paid laborers in other Euro- He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before Hiram Johnson was ever thought of for governor. He met with enthusiastic manifestations of welcome and approval everywhere, and was many times interrupted by spontaneous and long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in the hands of the men and women of the county. As to the attitude of the Republican party toward the public utilities commission, as it is called, he said in his speech at Fullerton: "The railroad commission idea is a creation of the republican party. It originated in a republican congress—nationally—and was created by the statutes of 1909 in the state of California, a republican can principle of republican protection to our California industries. He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before Hiram Johnson was ever thought of for governor. He met with enthusiastic manifestations of welcome and approval everywhere, and was many times interrupted by spontaneous and long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in the hands of the men and women of the county. As to the attitude of the Republican party toward the public utilities commission, as it is called, he said in his speech at Fullerton: "The railroad commission idea is a creation of the republican party. It originated in a republican congress—nationally—and was created by the statutes of 1909 in the state of California, a republican can principle of republican protection to our California industries. He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before Hiram Johnson was ever thought of for governor. He met with enthusiastic manifestations of welcome and approval everywhere, and was many times interrupted by spontaneous and long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in the hands of the men and women of the county. As to the attitude of the Republican party toward the public utilities commission, as it is called, he said in his speech at Fullerton: "The railroad commission idea is a creation of the republican party. It originated in a republican congress—nationally—and was created by the statutes of 1909 in the state of California, a republican can principle of republican protection to our California industries. He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before Hiram Johnson was ever thought of for governor. He met with enthusiastic manifestations of welcome and approval everywhere, and was many times interrupted by spontaneous and long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in the hands of the men and women of the county. As to the attitude of the Republican party toward the public utilities commission, as it is called, he said in his speech at Fullerton: "The railroad commission idea is a creation of the republican party. It originated in a republican congress—nationally—and was created by the statutes of 1909 in the state of California, a republican can principle of republican protection to our California industries. He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democrats in the legislature years before Hiram Johnson was ever thought of for governor. He met with enthusiastic manifestations of welcome and approval everywhere, and was many times interrupted by spontaneous and long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in the hands of the men and women of the county. As to the attitude of the Republican party toward the public utilities commission, as it is called, he said in his speech at Fullerton: "The railroad commission idea is a creation of the republican party. It originated in a republican congress—nationally—and was created by the statutes of 1909 in the state of California, a republican can principle of republican protection to our California industries. He showed that free sugar points to the inevitable destruction of our California beet fields, and that free trade everywhere menaces the very foundation of the states's prosperity. Referring to the workman's compensation act, the railroad commission, public utilities act, child labor law, eight-hour and pure food laws, and other measures which Johnson is now claiming credit for, he showed that all these measures were enacted into law by republicans and democracy in long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers and walnut men who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That's the talk." "Those are our sentiments." After the night meeting at Fullerton Fredericks shook hands with more than a thousand people, and all of whom pledged him their support. He was in a happy frame of mind, and said that while he had expected much of the republicans of Orange county, he was not at all prepared for the great ovation that had been tendered him. Asked if he would again return to the county before the date of election he said it would be impossible to do so, and that he would leave his campaign, so far as Orange county was concerned, in long-continued applause. Leading citrus growers和walnutmen who gathered about his automobile frequently interrupted his addresses with shouts of "That's right." "That'sthe talk." "Those are our sentiments." Afterthe night meetingatFullertonFredericksshookhandswithmorethana thousandpeople,andallofwhompledgethimtheirsupport.Hewasinahappyframeofmind,andsaidthatwhilehehadexpectedmuchoftherepublicansofOrangecounty,thehoweasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.HewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitabledestructionofourCaliforniabeetfields,andthatfreetradeadministrationofthedemocraticparty.Hewasnotatallpreparedfortheinevitable 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Three of the members of the present commission, as republicans, including Eshleman, (for whom he had never expressed any sentiment but respect, the lying progressive press to the contrary notwithstanding), were elected to their offices which they have held continuously since that time, by and under that republican law which gave them as full powers as possible at that time without amending the constitution. These powers have been enlarged and improved and developed as the result of experience and constitutional amendment, but the big load was started when the commission was created by the republican party in 1909 and the old and useless railroad commission was done away with. The commission is a republican measure, through and through. Johnson knows this and cannot be little the situation by assuming that the republican party, in its platform, would approve this commission with its lips and damn it in its heart. Here again he contradicts himself by saying that he will be fought by the 'interests'—a vague and misty supposed to describe public utilities—yet in the same speech he admits the fact that public service corporations are satisfied with the commission and its workings. Well, whoever approves or disapproves, let me say here and now that my attitude toward this great work has never changed and I will preserve their integrity and efficiency of that commission, and that is the attitude of the Republican party. "Now as to the 'direct primary', he continued. 'There never will be any change from that unless the people themselves take the initiative. It undoubtedly is cumbersome and expensive. It was a republican measure, Johnson, himself, four years ago, before there were any progressives, was nominated by the direct primary, enacted by a republican legislature two years before. It is therefore, a Re problem by initiating and giving to the state the workmen's compensation idea, they compel every student of affairs to doubt his sincerity. They attempt to claim credit to the false pretenses for a great idea with which they barely kept step with the other states of the union and other unlightened countries of the world. And they know that the idea belongs to no party. It came to all states, was advocated by all parties and by all sides of the industrial question. At best, they rode on the wave which would have engulfed them had they opposed it. The present statutory solution is not perfect as yet and is in process of development, but the principle has been decided, not only in California, but throughout the world. "Again, they would rob Griffin, the democrat, who as a member of the legislature, introduced, originated and worked through that legislature the splendid eight-hour law for women. If credit is due anyone for this law it is due to the democratic party, or Griffin. "The full train crew bill, as claimed by Johnson, as one of his measures of 'partisanship is dead,' or otherwise as one of the measures of the progressive party was neither. This law was drawn, introduced and labored through the legislature by whom, and when? By the same stalwart republican, Senator Boynton, in the year 1911. Why not claim the sunshine? It was shedding its beneficent rays on our people while the last legislature was in session—occasionally. "Returning to the railroad commission, I quote a sentence from Johnson's Oakland speech: 'Prior to 1910 we had no railroad commission. We had the railroad and the railroad was the commission (laughter and applause). Very good, and a true statement, but with the real facts concealed, to-wit: that the railroad commission, elected in 1910, as Johnson says, with Eshleman at its head, was elected at the time pursuant to and under the provisions of the railroad commission law, passed the year before, 1909, by a republican legislature. And this was the load that broke the back of the railroad political machine two years before Johnson was elected. I submit this to any fair-minded person's judgment on the facts as shown by the records. I have quoted this sentence showing how far the truth law and perfected in its workings years before Johnson was ever heard of. The child labor laws can be referred to in the same language. As to economy in the administration of the state's affairs, whatever credit they can get in spending double the amount of money any other administration has spent, they may have. "These then, are not the issues in the campaign. The issue is: Shall California return again into the republican column and do its share toward bringing back to the nation and the people of the state the prosperous conditions which have always maintained under republican administrations, and at the same time maintain a high place in developing progressive and humanitarian measures for the benefit of its citizens? "Large investments and semi-public enterprises which have brought to this state in the past the idle capital of the east looking for profitable investment have been frightened by the socialistic tendencies of the present state administration. In Fort Bragg recently Johnson was introduced to his audience by a prominent Socialist, who used considerable of the governor's time in explaining to the audience that there was no difference in his beliefs and those of the governor. There is a difference, however—a socialist is very sincere in what he believes. Confidence will not be restored; our natural resources will remain undeveloped; business and labor together will continue to suffer by reason of this apprehension until California changes its administration. This may be psychology, or not, but no amount of argument can change the fact of our present business distress." "It is idle to challenge a party to state what particular method would be employed to economize. Careful investigation by a new administration alone could determine that, but the public can easily understand that if this administration requires twice as much revenue to run as last, there is certainly strong ground for the opinion that economy is not practiced. With the hordes of emigrants which will soon come to our shores, there awaits our people a great responsibility, in quarantine and other regulations along that line. I am immenser." work has never changed and I will preserve their integrity and efficiency of that commission, and that is the attitude of the Republican party. "Now as to the 'direct primary','he continued. 'There never will be any change from that unless the people themselves take the initiative. It undoubtedly is cumbersome and expensive. It was a republican measure. Johnson himself, four years ago, before there were any progressives, was nominated by the direct primary, enacted by a republican legislature two years before. It is, therefore, a Republican creation. Something better undoubtedly will be discovered in the years to come." "We have now the short ballot, as Johnson says. That is, we have shortened it four names and lengthened it four feet, and added a thousand complexities to its efficiency. But, as I said, this is a measure which the people themselves must work out. I am unalterably opposed to bosses, either railroad, newspaper or commission, and will maintain that attitude at all times, no matter what should be my position of influence. That is my view of the direct primary and the long ballot. I believe some improvement can be made, but the present system should have a thorough trial in order that we do not blunder into more mistakes." "As to the workmen's compensation act, about which Johnson grows dramatic. "No one can claim that this is a California progressive measure who is familiar with its origin and development. As well may the progressive party claim credit for the visit of the sun each day during the last administration. That idea would have gone on our statute books when it did no matter what party had been in power. Let us be fair. Twenty-eight states in the union have this or similar laws. They are not progressives. They are republican or democratic states. It is approved by every political party. President Taft said, in April 1912, that he regarded the workmen's compensation as one of the most important measures being considered by the people, and earnestly advocated its adoption. Presidents Roosevelt and Wilson each expressed himself similarly. Now, the facts are, this matter was not originated by the working man at all, as the governor would have us believe, but by the employers. In 1909 the National Association of Manufactures of the United States, after having investigations by committees, adopted a report and resolutions in favor of the idea, and in 1910 sent their chief counsel to Europe to study its works. It is more strongly advocated by large employers than by the laborers. This is specially true of our California law: Undoubtedly it discriminates against the small employer of labor, but these are matters which will be worked out in the interests of humanity and business." Very good, and a true statement, but with the real facts concealed, to-wit: that the railroad commission, elected in 1910, as Johnson says, with Eshleman at its head, was elected at the time pursuant to and under the provisions of the railroad commission law, passed the year before, 1909, by a republican legislature. And this was the load that broke back of the railroad political machine two years before Johnson was elected. I submit this to any fairminded person's judgment on the facts as shown by the records. I have quoted this sentence as showing how easily the truth may be twisted to support a wrong conclusion and wring applause from a partisan audience. Again to quote from Johnson: "It was appropriate that the administration that gave equal suffrage to the state should," etc. Here party government is recognized for Johnson dare not say that he favored woman's suffrage. It is too well known that he was against it. So the credit is given to 'the administration,' which is another way of saying 'progressive party,' and an admission that party government exists. "The Juvenile court law, which they claim credit for, was passed three years ago, and amended and improved each legislature since until the progressions attempted to tinker with it at the last legislature and knew so little about it that the governor signed a bill amending it which never passed the legislature, thereby throwing the whole system into confusion. "The child labor laws were an actual, living force for good in this state three years before Johnson was elected governor, placed there by patriotism and love of humanity in the hearts of the members of the legislature in both republican and democratic parties, but no progressives. In short, there is one distinction the leaders of the progressive party claim title to, that is the champion of claimers of all good things. "The republican legislature, in 1907, appointed a commission to draft a new taxation bill. It was adopted by the legislature of 1909 and submitted to the people in form of a constitutional amendment, known as constitutional amendment number one, and so adopted. Progressives have tried by inuendo to claim credit for this move. It changed the form of taxation, making all state taxes payable in general by public service corporations. The idea was that an increased revenue would result, and many such needed public improvements, buildings, etc., would be created and erected, and yet with a tax income practically doubled the great increase in revenue has been used to add two thousand employees to the state payroll and build up a political machine second to none that ever existed in the world. It has everything but members. The last legislature appropriated seven million dollars more than the state income. The state highways authorized four years ago by the republican party, have scarcely been started although I am informed trees. "It is idle to challenge a party to state what particular method would be employed to economize. Careful investigation by a new administration alone could determine that, but the public can easily understand that if this administration requires twice as much revenue to run as the last, there is certainly strong ground for the opinion that economy is not practiced. With the hordes of emigrants which will soon come to our shores, there awaits our people a great responsibility. In quarantine and other regulations along that line. I am immeasurably interested in all of those thoughts and ideas and institutions which go toward making this world a better place in which to live, which assists in sanitation and right living among those who have not had the opportunity to study and practice the benefits thereof, but who need only to be shown. "I believe in maintaining the good that we have and developing it further into better things, and better things I mean better for the average men and women, and things which will tend to bring those below up to the average. I believe in the inauguration of a better method for settling labor disputes than the cumbersome and expensive methods heretofore employed. I approve of the idea of the industrial commission now visiting our state, making an intelligent attempt to look into this question and properly solve it. This was a republican measure, introduced in congress by Senator Borah, who was the preseciting attorney in the Courier d'Alesen strike some years ago, and got his insight into the necessities of better methods along that line in probably the same manner in which I got mine. I believe in party government. It has given us the greatest names and the greatest ideas in history, and can be depended upon to do so again, and I am sure that everyone else, who has studied the question has the same opinion, although their present political situation might prevent them from admitting it and lead them to advocate non-partisanship. I believe in the destiny of the republican party. Its great past bespeaks a future. The tremendous industries of this land, the elevated plane of our workmen, the development of our natural resources, have been initiated, protected, developed and elevated through the principles advocated by this great party. Investors fear our state; fear to make investments here; and that fear will continue and depress the state as long as the present administration permitted to make it appear that every man who has been successful in his chosen walk of life is subject to suspicion by reason of that success. This is the one state in the union now if a position to profit by the development of its natural resources. It will be an ace of the strongest patriotism when this state reasserts itself again as a republican state believing in the In 1909 the National Association of Manufacturers of the United States, after having had investigations by committees, adopted a report and resolutions in favor of the idea, and in 1910 sent their chief counsel to Europe to study its workings. It is more strongly advocated by large employers than by the laborers. This is specially true of our California law: Undoubtedly it discriminates against the small employer of labor, but these are matters which will be worked out in the interests of humanity and business efficiency by experience, and adjustments made accordingly. As a matter of fact this splendid idea was crystallized into law and introduced into the legislature by Senator Boynton, a stalwart republican whose industry and ability are largely responsible for working the bill through our legislature, and who is and has been my strong and loyal supporter. "The burden to employers of defense under former conditions was as irksome to them as the burden laid upon the injured workman. While the law has a strong humanitarian side, the economy and efficiency features crystallized the situation into law. It is a sad commentary on our boasted civilization, but a true one, nevertheless, that human life has since time began, been held more lightly than principles of economy and efficiency—even more cheaply than political policy in government—as witness the terrible sacrifice of human life in Europe today. Even in the very country where the workmen's compensation idea originated, and was first developed, men are being slaughtered by thousands, widows and orphans created to drag out lives of unhappiness—and if history teaches anything at all we may conclude that when these wars finally cease, the basis of their termination undoubtedly will be economy, rather than humanity. Such has been the basis of all wars. One of my greatest efforts in life has always been toward putting the human side first, and I intend to so continue, but I recognize the facts and their teachings as they are. "So, when Johnson assumes that he, or his party, from their boasted heights of thought and sympathy, saw the unhappy plight of the injured workman and cogitated upon how to relieve him and clam to have solved creased revenue would result, and many such needed public improvements, buildings, etc., would be created and erected, yet with a tax income practically doubled the great in crease in revenue has been used to add two thousand employees to the state pay roll and build up a political machine second to none that ever existed in the world. It has everything but members. The last legislature appriplated seven million dollars more than the state income. The state highways authorized four years ago by the republican party, have scarcely been started, although I am informed the overhead expenses of the highway commissioners are more than thirty-four thousand dollars a month. I found one of its members in the vicinity of Red Bluff during my primary campaign, tacking up Johnson and Eshleman banners through the state. "The existence of the public utilities commission, its integrity and efficiency, is absolutely assured, and is a creature of the republican party in the nation and in the state, an institution which I personally have the strongest belief and faith. "The direct primary is not an issue. It is a product of the republican party long before, and by means of which, Johnson came onto the scene of activity, and will continue in existence until the people themselves change it. "The workmen's compensation act is not an issue, neither can the progressive party claim credit for its enactment. Whatever credit there is due to an individual or a party is due the republican party, through the work of Senator Boynton, who introduced and worked the measure through the legislature; but no party can claim credit for this measure. It belongs to civilization. The eight-hour law for women was compiled, introduced and worked through the legislature by Thomas F. Griffin, a democratic state senator, who sought the democratic nomination for the senate this year. The full train crew bill is another measure fathered by Senator Boynton. Johnson had nothing to do with woman suffrage, and was personally opposed to it. This privilege was given to the women by voters of the state in amendring the constitution. The juvenile court law was made a Investors fear our state; fear to make investments here, and that fear will continue and depress the state as long as the present administration is permitted to make it appear that every man who has been successful in his chosen walk of life is subject to suspicion by reason of that success. This is the one state in the union now if a position to profit by the development of its natural resources. It will be an ace of the strongest patriotism when this state reasserts itself again as a republican state, believing in the development and encouragement of our resources, thereby promoting not only the interests of investors, but the interests of the laborer man, out of whose prosperity the development of the state must largely be constructed. "I believe that California, of all other states in the union, requires and demands the principles of government to which the republican party is committed, and that it is suffering now from a hundred hardships imposed upon it by reason of the temporary withdrawal of republican principles. It is idle for Johnson to attempt to persuade the people of this state that we are having prosperous times. The experience of overly man and woman in business, or seeking employment, is a daily and hourly refutation of his statement. It needs no further argument. "This state is a part of a great nation. It cannot attain its full measure of prosperity and development if out of tune with the great galaxy of republican progressive states of the union. California's place is in the republican party by every issue of judgment and logic. The history of the republican party alone is an asset of priceless value to any collection of citizens. The republican party in this state is a part of the republican party in the nation, and will not turn its back and leave the ranks and run away after false gods and the temporary valgories of personal ambition, but will maintain its position in the ranks of the party, which have brought us our greatness as a nation, doing our share to develop and encourage them." "The republican victory in this state this fall will be hailed and heralded through the length and breadth of the United States, as one great and THURSDAY, OCT. 1 The First National Bank OF ANAHEIM United States Depository for the Postal Savings System Capital, $50,000. 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How foolish it would be to fritter away our opportunities in this golden state now and elect a progressive governor, when all other states in the union are turning their backs on the progressive party, and everywhere it is disintegrating, losing ground and vanishing, even as other similar attempts at the creation of new parties have disinte-grated and vanished in the past; and when the contest is over and victory won for the republican party, it will assume the great responsibilities of keeping pace with the needs of humanity, and the march of progress through the ages." A marriage license has been issued to Roy Richardson and Kathleen Kraemer, both of Fullerton.