anaheim-gazette 1910-06-16

The Weekly Gazette. ESTABLISHED 1870 Henry Kuchel, Editor and Proprietor SUBSCRIPTION.....$1.50 Per Year Six Months.....$1.00 Three Months.....50 Cts. The Gazette is issued every Thursday morning. Entered at the Anaheim Postoffice as second-class matter. Has the Largest Circulation TWO BAD BILLS, DEAD AND TURNED TO CLAY Two wild cat irrigation bills were introduced in the last legislature, which if passed and become law would have harried irrigators of Orange county to the point of confiscation of their property. The acts were confiscatory, and if enacted into law would have bankrupted the irrigation companies of the state, including the Anaheim Union Water company, the Santa Ana Valley Irrigation district and their stockholders. They would have spelt ruin to us all, and the wonder grows that in this enlightened era two such base measures could have reared their hydra-headed infancy into the halls of legislation and threatened the vested rights of a peace-loving people. These bills were the Black and Johnson bills which, as we say, were confiscatory of the rights of irrigators throughout the state. How they were received in Orange county will be remembered. Protests were signed by hundreds of citizens, and committees named to go to Sacramento to fight has not passed the 30,000 mark. It is computed by statisticians of a political turn of mind that the counties of the Seventh and Eighth congressional districts will poll more than half the entire republican vote of the state at the August primaries. With the four candidates in the north dividing the other half of the vote, and with Stanton having practically the solid backing of the South, it is not to be doubted the Speaker will lead all others in the contest. Add to this his vote in the north—in San Francisco, Alameda, Sacramento, Humboldt, Sonoma, Sapta Clara and other counties—and it is clear that he will have a safe majority at the polls. Recently a news despatch was sent out from San Joaquin county, referring to the "heavy registration" in progress there, and adding that 7000 voters of all parties had already registered. Here in Orange county more than 8000 voters have registered, and no stentorian shouts concerning it have emanated therefrom. The same story as to registration comes from every county in the South. The two additional congressmen to which the state will be entitled after the present census will come from the South. The Northern counties will have difficulty to retain their present representation. Unless San Francisco's registration is increased largely within the next five weeks—and that county must increase at the rate of 12,000 per week to reach Los Angeles—that county will experience a radical change in its congressional district lines. One disturbing element in San Francisco's registration is that the Union labor and democratic vote is practically obliterated. The indications are that thousands of these have registered as republicans. These voters are doubtless to be polled for either Anderson or Curry—in the ev- JAKE TRANSFER It is nowadays the form newspapers to publicans who are not Lincoln-Roosevelters men." The latest wrath of the purists of Los Angeles, floor last assembly. The charges are being level sue, and he is accused the Party Circle bill endment to the direct against the non-political asco, an' against the of a line of federal wthe Panama canal and points. The three flies true, and we apprehend has the approval of party for his course in The latter charge is not sebly record shows. Mr. Transue was up the assembly as leader lican forces, at the ferd resolution was u tion. This resolution line of federal vessels in charge of the bill from the senate. Transue "If it is a line of fed are after, say so, and this resolution through unanimously." The Sanford resolut ed with eulogy of Jo of Kansas, and refer which he was alleged to Secretary of War 'Eoosevelt administratio Bristow was alleged mended the establishment of federal vessels. Fected to this verbiage the claim, and righti ow's report was not one had seen it, and in this enlightened era two such base measures could have reared their hydra-headed infancy into the halls of legislation and threatened the vested rights of a peace-loving people. These bills were the Black and Johnson bills which, as we say, were confiscatory of the rights of irrigators throughout the state. How they were received in Orange county will be remembered. Protests were signed by hundreds of citizens, and committees named to go to Sacramento to fight the measures. A delegation of Imperial irrigators whose property rights were placed in jeopardy by these infamous measures, went to the state capital and laid the purposes of their mission before Speaker Stanton. The Speaker was on the job, and as ready for a fight in the interests of the people as he had ever been. He knew the bills. He had them in his pocket at the time. The delegation met him in his office at the capital. They said they were farmers and irrigators, poor in world’s goods, but resolved to spend their last dollar in defeat of these two iniquitous measures. They could ill afford to spare the time from their crops and fields; their duties called them home, yet they were resolved to stay until the end of the session if need be, to see to it that their savings of years and their rights vested in their farms at home be not confiscated and despoiled. They asked the speaker where he stood, and what aid and comfort they might receive from him in their stress. The speaker replied saying to them: "I should like very much if you will remain in Sacramento, gentlemen, for a day or two, now that you have gone to the trouble and expense of coming here. I should like to have you call at the capitol and see how the laws of California are enacted. I have tickets of admission here for you into the chambers of the capitol, and I should like to have you call and see us in action." "But as far as these two bills are concerned, gentlemen, you need not remain in Sacramento another minute. There is a train leaving here this afternoon. You can go to your homes on that train, and take no further heed of these bills. They are dead. They will not be reported out of this committee. I'm an irrigator myself, and I am with you. These bills are dead. They will not pass. They will never be reported." Nor were they. The two bills were indeed, dead past all chance of within the next five weeks and that county must increase at the rate of 12,000 per week to reach Los Angeles—that county will experience a radical change in its congressional district lines. One disturbing element in San Francisco's registration is that the Union labor and democratic vote is practically obliterated. The indications are that thousands of these have registered as republicans. These voters are doubtless to be polled for either Anderson or Curry—in the event, indeed, that both remain in the contest to the finish. Mr. Stanton is making votes in the north. He has Los Angeles back of him solidly. Johnson will poll votes in that county, it is true; but there exists little if any Anderson or Curry sentiment there. This is true with respect to them throughout the counties of the south. The question for southern voters to decide is this: Shall a governor from the south be chosen, and the State Equalization districts be equitably redistricted, to the end that no more arbitrary raises of $321,000,000 in our valuations be made by the state board of equalization, or shall we throw discretion to the winds and support a northern man, and lay ourselves open to another of those raises of our assessments during the next ten years? Stanton’s anti-machine record should be good enough for the Lincoln-Roosevelters; many of them, indeed, are now supporting him. We shall welcome Mr. Johnson to the south again. Here is where the votes are, and here is where Mr. Stanton retains the greatest elements in his political strength. Mr. Johnson dates his anti-Herrin talk from the time of his selection by a coterie of politicians to stand as the Lincoln-Roosevelt candidate for governor. Mr. Stanton took on his initial fight against Mr. Herrin ten years ago in the Seventy-first assembly district republican convention, where he showed his strength by defeating Judge McKinley, Mr. Herrins personal representative in Los Angeles. He fought McKinley again four years ago at the Santa Cruz convention, at which the latter presided as Mr. Herrin’s chairman. He was disciplined for this by the machine at the succeeding session of the legislature, being deprived of his chairmanship of the committee on ways and means, as well as of his other committee chairmanships. He persevered in his fight for the right during the session of the legislature. When the machine passed a bill to sell the Los Angeles—that county will experience a radical change in its congressional district lines. One disturbing element in San Francisco's registration is that the Union labor and democratic vote is practically obliterated. The indications are that thousands of these have registered as republicans. These voters are doubtless to be polled for either Anderson or Curry—in the event, indeed, that both remain in the contest to the finish. Mr. Stanton is making votes in the north. He has Los Angeles back of him solidly. Johnson will poll votes in that county, it is true; but there exists little if any Anderson or Curry sentiment there. This is true with respect to them throughout the counties of the south. The question for southern voters to decide is this: Shall a governor from the south be chosen, and the State Equalization districts be equitably redistricted, to the end that no more arbitrary raises of $321,000,000 in our valuations be made by the state board of equalization, or shall we throw discretion to the winds and support a northern man, and lay ourselves open to another of those raises of our assessments during the next ten years? Stanton’s anti-machine record should be good enough for the Lincoln-Roosevelters; many of them, indeed, are now supporting him. We shall welcome Mr. Johnson to the south again. Here is where the votes are, and here is where Mr. Stanton retains the greatest elements in his political strength. Mr. Johnson dates his anti-Herrin talk from the time of his selection by a coterie of politicians to stand as the Lincoln-Roosevelt candidate for governor. Mr. Stanton took on his initial fight against Mr. Herrin ten years ago in the Seventy-first assembly district republican convention, where he showed his strength by defeating Judge McKinley, Mr. Herrins personal representative in Los Angeles. He fought McKinley again four years ago at the Santa Cruz convention, at which the latter presided as Mr. Herrin’s chairman. He was disciplined for this by the machine at the succeeding session of the legislature, being deprived of his chairmanship of the committee on ways and means, as well as of his other committee chairmanships. He persevered in his fight for the right during the session of the legislature. When the machine passed a bill to sell the Los Angeles—that county will increase at the rate of 12,000 per week to reach Los Angeles—that county will experience a radical change in its congressional district lines. One disturbing element in San Francisco's registration is that the Union labor and democratic vote is practically obliterated. The indications are that thousands of these have registered as republicans. These voters are doubtless to be polled for either Anderson or Curry—in the event, indeed, that both remain in the contest to the finish. Mr. Stanton is making votes in the north. He has Los Angeles back of him solidly. Johnson will poll votes in that county, it is true; but there exists little if any Anderson or Curry sentiment there. This is true with respect to them throughout the counties of the south. The question for southern voters to decide is this: Shall a governor from the south be chosen, and the State Equalization districts be equitably redistributed, to the end that no more arbitrary raises of $321,000,000 in our valuations be made by the state board of equalization, or shall we throw discretion to the winds and support a northern man, and lay ourselves open to another of those raises of our assessments during the next ten years? Stanton’s anti-machine record should be good enough for the Lincoln-Roosevelters; many of them, indeed, are now supporting him. We shall welcome Mr. Johnson to the south again. Here is where the votes are, and here is where Mr. Stanton retains the greatest elements in his political strength. Mr. Johnson dates his anti-Herrin talk from the time of his selection by a coterie of politicians to stand as the Lincoln-Roosevelt candidate for governor. Mr. Stanton took on his initial fight against Mr. Herrin ten years ago in the Seventy-first assembly district republican convention, where he showed his strength by defeating Judge McKinley, Mr. Herrins personal representative in Los Angeles. He fought McKinley again four years ago at the Santa Cruz convention, at which the latter presided as Mr. Herrin’s chairman. He was disciplined for this by the machine at the succeeding session of the legislature, being deprived of his chairmanship of the committee on ways and means, as well as of his other committee chairmanships. He persevered in his fight for the right during the session of the legislature. When the machine passed a bill to sell the Los Angeles—that county must increase at the rate of 12,000 per week to reach Los Angeles—that county will experience a radical change in its congressional district lines. One disturbing element in San Francisco's registration is that the Union labor and democratic vote is practically obliterated. The indications are that thousands of these have registered as republicans. These voters are doubtless to be polled for either Anderson or Curry—in the event, indeed, that both remain in the contest to the finish. Mr. Stanton is making votes in the north. He has Los Angeles back of him solidly. Johnson will poll votes in that county, it is true; but there exists little if any Anderson or Curry sentiment there. This is true with respect to them throughout the counties of the south. The question for southern voters to decide is this: Shall a governor from the south be chosen, and the State Equalization districts be equitably redistributed, to the end that no more arbitrary raises of $321,000,000 in our valuations be made by the state board of equalization, or shall we throw discretion to the winds and support a northern man, and lay ourselves open to another of those raises of our assessments during the next ten years? Stanton’s anti-machine record should be good enough forthe Lincoln-Roosevelters; many of them, indeed, are now supporting him. We shall welcome Mr. Johnson to this south again. Here is where the votes are, and here is where Mr. Stanton retains the greatest elements in his political strength. Mr. Johnson dates his anti-Herrin talk from the time of his selection by a coterie of politicians to stand as the Lincoln-Roosevelt candidate for governor. Mr. Stanton took on his initial fight against Mr. Herrin ten years ago in the Seventy-first assembly district republican convention, where he showed his strength by defeating Judge McKinley, Mr. Herrins personal representative in Los Angeles. He fought McKinley again four years ago atthe Santa Cruz convention, at whichthe latter presided as Mr. Herrin’s chairman.Here is wherethe votesare,andhereiswhereMr.StrontainpassesabillowingthedeliveryofelectionofJoeofKansas,andreferswhichhewasallegedmendetheestablishmentoffederalvessels.Mifectedtothisverbiagtheclaim,andrightnowtowsreportnotethatifitisalineoftheyouareafter,"Mr.T."saysoandwililutionthroughthishily." Mr.Drew failingdesiredchanges,thereferredtoafreecontrobbTransueandLbers,andwasattorted,tthistimewithFlintandMcLachlansteadofthatOfBritlingdeclarationinclupeedy-establishmenteralvesselsonthisPanamaandNorthpoints. Because TransuebillasoriginallyresembleswiththeLbeischargedbyM“havingvotedagainbeinga“machinemakingachatteloftheicalbureauThischargemaypass concerned, gentlemen, you need not remain in Sacramento another minute. There is a train leaving here this afternoon. You can go to your homes on that train, and take no further heed of these bills. They are dead. They will not be reported out of this committee. I'm an irrigator myself, and I am with you. These bills are dead. They will not pass. They will never be reported." Nor were they. The two bills were, indeed, dead past all chance of reurrection at that time. The speaker was on the job. The men went home to their farms. Will Imperial county vote for Stanton for governor? There is not a shadow of a doubt about it. Will Orange county and Riverside county stand by him? To a man, if there remains among us a spark of appreciation of duty well performed. HERE IS WHERE THE VOTES ARE It is announced that Hiram Johnson will tour Southern California again before the August primaries. This appears to be a natural resolve upon his part, for here in the counties of the south is where the bulk of the republican voters of the state will cast their ballots. Here is where Mr. Johnson must get his votes, if he is to be nominated, and more and more every day indications point to the fact that the contest for the gubernatorial nomination is between him and Mr. Stanton. We have already pointed out the great increase in registration of Los Angeles county, where more than three times the registered vote of San Francisco is already upon the rolls. The total registration of the former county mounts up to 90,000, while that of the latter county Angeles. He fought McKinley again four years ago at the Santa Cruz convention, at which the latter presided as Mr. Herrin's chairman. He was disciplined for this by the machine at the succeeding session of the legislature, being deprived of his chairmanship of the committee on ways and means, as well as of his other committee chairmanships. He persevered in his fight for the right during the session of the legislature. When the machine passed a bill to sell the Los Angeles normal school property for $200,000, he prevailed upon Governor Pardee to use the veto power and the measure was killed. At the last session of the legislature he carried through a bill providing for the sale of the same property at not less than $500,000, and it is probable the state will receive $600,000 therefor. This is only one of his many acts stamping him as a man of the people. In the legislative session of last year he forced the machine to withdraw its candidate for speaker, and he was unanimously elected to that position. These are facts of our political history. Whom shall you support, Mr. Voter? Which of these two men appeals more strongly to your sense of duty well performed? Let us give ear to Mr. Johnson on his return to the republican counties of the south, but let us weigh his words before relinguishing support of our own Southern California candidate. For governor of California, Phil Stanton of Bay City, Anaheim and Los Angeles. Frank S. Trickey of Santa Ana, candidate for republican nomination as county auditor, was in town this week extending the glad hand and meeting with friends. Because Transue is bill as originally re-assembly, with the he is charged by Mr. "having voted against being a "machine mending a chattel of the local bureau. This charge may pass on lavender politician than-thou class, but men of sense it will Transue is. a candidation to the assembly hoped he will be tried, as he deserves good republican, and legislator of many and more than any is fitted to resume leader in the assembly to, The Anaheim Su rented rooms here fice. Mr. Hadsell architects have com nation plans for the that the engineer at work on the fourth The Santa Fe rail spur track to the f In the Superior trial of the case against the Case, set. The case was date is now Oct. 1 Daniel is expecting that was one reason ment. Attorneys sent to the order JAKE TRANSUE It is nowadays the custom of reform newspapers to condemn all republicans who are not lined up with Lincoln-Roosevelters as "machine men." The latest example of this wrath of the purists is Jake Transue of Los Angeles, floor leader in the last assembly. The deadly Hichborn charges are being leveled at Mr. Transue, and he is accused of voting for the Party Circle bill, the Leeds amendment to the direct primary bill, against the non-political judiciary flasco, an against the establishment of a line of federal vessels between the Panama canal and Pacific Coast points. The three first charges are true, and we apprehend Mr. Transue has the approval of the republican party for his course in each instance. The latter charge is false, as the assembly record shows. Mr. Transue was upon the floor of the assembly as leader of the republican forces, at the time the Sanford resolution was under consideration. This resolution dealt with the line of federal vessels. Mr. Drew was in charge of the bill as it came over from the senate. Transue said to him: "If it is a line of federal vessels you are after, say so, and we will carry this resolution through the house unanimously." The Sanford resolution was burdened with eulogy of Joseph L. Bristow of Kansas, and referred to a report which he was alleged to have made to Secretary of War Taft, in the last Roosevelt administration, in which Bristow was alleged to have recommended the establishment of the line of federal vessels. Mr. Transue objected to this verbiage, setting forth the claim, and rightly so, that Bristow's report was not in evidence, no one had seen it, and no one knew THE NON-POLITICAL JUDICIARY BILL We notice in a number of our upcountry reform exchanges a series of spasms because, as they say, Speaker Stanton voted against the so-called Non-Political Judiciary bill in the assembly of the last legislature. Franklin Hichborn's "Story of the Legislature" is made to work overtime, and stress seems to be laid upon this one Cardinal Sin (?) of the speaker. We have already referred several times to this Non-Political Judiciary bill flasco, and it may be necessary only again to say that a bill which would have thrown Judge West into the political discard, and given Miguel Estudillo the benefit of the republican column of the party circle would have very little support among republicans of Orange county. Speaker Stanton favors a real separation of the judiciary from politics, and would have all judges elected for life, as is done in Massachusetts, and as judges are appointed to the federal bench. That is what California is coming to. That is what Stanton stands for. But under the present elective system, where party nominations are made, a candidate for the judiciary, named by a political party, is entitled to have his name placed in his party column. Certainly would be a queer bit of "reform" politics, here in Orange county, to throw a clean and honorable candidate for superior judge into the political discard and give the benefit of the republican column to an unfit candidate who was rejected at the polls. THE PARTY CIRCLE BILL Speaker Stanton in his tour of the north has been continually assailed by newspapers favoring the candidates have no strength whatever out side San Francisco and the counties contiguous to the bay region, and the scant registrations, coupled with the inroads Stanton is making into the forces, leaves no doubt as to the result in August. The primary election is yet some weeks away, and there may be changes, of course, but if the election were held tomorrow, Stanton would poll more votes than Anderson and Curry combined. Johnson remains as the only factor, and it is not believed the son of Grove L. The Sanford resolution was burdened with eulogy of Joseph L. Bristow of Kansas, and referred to a report which he was alleged to have made to Secretary of War Taft, in the last Koosevelt administration, in which Bristow was alleged to have recommended the establishment of the line of federal vessels. Mr. Transue objected to this verbiage, setting forth the claim, and rightly so, that Bristow's report was not in evidence, no one had seen it, and no one knew whether the alleged recommendation relating to the vessels had been really made, nor what the same purported to say. In Bristow's report, also, was a clause condemning the Pacific Mail Steamship company, alleging, so the Sanford resolution stated, that the company did not seek to secure business from the transcontinental railroads. Mr. Transue insisted that the report be exhibited to the assembly, together with facts supporting it, or that it be withdrawn. He also insisted that all reference to Bristow be striken out and the names of Senator Flint and Congressman McLachlan of California be substituted, these men having previously introduced bills in congress appropriating $10,000,000 for constructing and maintaining the line of vessels. Mr. Drew promised to make these changes in the Sanford resolution when presenting it to the assembly, but, being a personal friend of Bristow and being anxious to retain the eulogium of him in the resolution, failed to report such changes. "If it is a line of federal vessels you are after," Mr. Transue here said, "say so, and we will carry this resolution through this house unanimously." Mr. Drew failing to report the desired changes, the resolution was referred to a free conference, of which both Transue and Drew were members, and was at a later date reported, this time with the names of Flint and McLachlan appearing instead of that of Bristow, and a ringing declaration included favoring the speedy-establishment of a line of federal vessels on this coast between Panama and North Pacific coast points. Because Transue objected to the bill as originally reported to the assembly, with the Bristow verbiage, he is charged by Mr. Hichborn with "having voted against reform," with being a "machine man" and with being a chattel of the railroad's political bureau. This will not do. The charge may pass current with the bit of "reform" politics, here in Orange county, to throw a clean and honorable candidate for superior judge into the political discard and give the benefit of the republican column to an unfit candidate who was rejected at the polls. THE PARTY CIRCLE BILL Speaker Stanton in his tour of the north has been continually assailed by newspapers favoring the candidature of other aspirants to the governorship with the charge of having voted "twice against reform" in his support (1) of the Party Circle bill, and (2) in his vote against second reading of the bill aimed at the destruction of that measure. Each of these votes is associated with the other. If Stanton was wrong in the one instance, he was wrong in the other. If right in the one, he was right in the other. What is the Party Circle Bill, and what its aims and purposes? The bill had its inception in the State Election eight years ago, when Judge Shaw ran 47,000 votes behind Judge Angellotti for associate justice of the supreme court. There existed no valid reason why Judge Shaw, himself one of the most upright and pure-minded jurists who ever sat upon the supreme bench of this or any other state, should so narrowly escape defeat, in a republican state which rolled up a tidal-wave majority for McKinley two years before. Yet such was the case. Owing to the apathy; the indifference, not to say the negligence of the voter, Judge Shaw ran so far behind his associate on the ticket that his election was at one time despaired of. Nor is this all; the state had some years before lost a presidential elector through this self apathy, this indifference, this negligence of the voters. In a closely contested election such as the Hayes-Tilden contest, a single vote thus lost might turn us over to the democratic party, not upon any paramount political issue of the time, but purely through the apathy, the indifference, the negligence, not to say incompetence of the elector. Mr. Stanton set about to remedy this state of affairs. In the succeeding session of the legislature he passed the Party Circle bill, which a voter may use if he so determines, or he may ignore it, just as though it were not upon his ballot. It facilitates voting. This is a cardinal crime, say the Lincoln-Roosevelters. Yet if they were candidates for office of "reform" politics, here in Orange county, to throw a clean and honorable candidate for superior judge into the political discard and give the benefit of the republican column to an unfit candidate who was rejected at the polls. THE PARTY CIRCLE BILL Speaker Stanton in his tour of the north has been continually assailed by newspapers favoring the candidature of other aspirants to the governorship with the charge of having voted "twice against reform" in his support (1) of the Party Circle bill, and (2) in his vote against second reading of the bill aimed at the destruction of that measure. Each of these votes is associated with the other. If Stanton was wrong in the one instance, he was wrong in the other. If right in the one, he was right in the other. What is the Party Circle Bill, and what its aims and purposes? The bill had its inception in the State Election eight years ago, when Judge Shaw ran 47,000 votes behind Judge Angellotti for associate justice of the supreme court. There existed no valid reason why Judge Shaw himself one of the most upright and pure-minded jurists who ever sat upon the supreme bench of this or any other state, should so narrowly escape defeat, in a republican state which rolled up a tidal-wave majority for McKinley two years before. Yet such was the case. Owing to the apathy; the indifference, not to say the negligence of the voter, Judge Shaw ran so far behind his associate on the ticket that his election was at one time despaired of. Nor is this all; the state had some years before lost a presidential elector through this self apathy, this indifference, this negligence of the voters. In a closely contested election such as the Hayes-Tilden contest, a single vote thus lost might turn us over to the democratic party, not upon any paramount political issue of the time, but purely through the apathy, the indifference, not to say incompetence of the elector. Mr. Stanton set about to remedy this state of affairs. In the succeeding session of the legislature he passed the Party Circle bill, which a voter may use if he so determines, or he may ignore it, just as though it were not upon his ballot. It facilitates voting. This is a cardinal crime, say the Lincoln-Roosevelters. Yet if they were candidates for off-site San Francisco and the counties contiguous to the bay region, and the scant registrations, coupled with the inroads Stanton is making into the forces, leaves no doubt as to result in August. The primary election is yet some weeks away, and there may be changes, of course, but if the election were held tomorrow, Stanton would poll more votes than Anderson and Curry combined. Johnson remains as the only factor, and it is not believed the son of Grove L. Johnson will do aught but to split the Anderson and Curry vote in the bay region. It looks more and more that it will be either Stanton or Johnson in August. Whom do the voters of Southern California prefer? The man who pays taxes here, and has denounced in unmeasured terms the arbitrary raise by the state board of equalization of our assessed values, to the amount of $321,000,000, or the man who pays taxes in San Francisco and has said never a word about this colossal infamy? Stanton is the only man in the state of California who has ever forcedthe railroad political machine into defeat. He did it in his speakership fight a year or more ago; he will do it inthe greater fight forthe governorship inthe pending campaign. PROMISES Promises are easily made and easily broken. Some promises are reasonable and can be fulfilled; others are unreasonable and impossible of fulfillment. When a man promises you forty per cent or fifty per cent per year on your money you may rest assured that there is an element and probably a strong element of speculation in his proposition. He may be able by reason of unusual conditions to keep his promise but theranges are very much against it. Onthe ether hand when another man tells you that you cannot make more than 5 or 6 per cent per year on your money and be sure of its safetyhe has gone just as greatly to one extreme asthe first man did inthe other extreme;for underthe conditions arising fromthe unprecedented growthof populationinSouthernCalifornia duringthe past ten yearsandthe factthatwithoutquestionthatgrowthwillcontinueineverincreasingvolumeforthenextfiftyyearsthereareconservativelymanagedconcernsbaseduponprovenbusinessprincipleswhicharemakingashighas26percentperyearandthecapitalinvestedisjustassafeasthough Because Transue objected to the bill as originally reported to the assembly, with the Bristow verbiage, he is charged by Mr. Hichborn with "having voted against reform," with being a "machine man" and with being a chattel of the railroad's political bureau. This will not do. The charge may pass current with the lavender politicians of the holier-thou class, but with grown-up men of sense it will not do. Mr. Transue is a candidate for re-election to the assembly, and it is to be hoped he will be triumphantly elected, as he deserves to be. He is a good republican, an able speaker, a legislator of many years' experience, and more than any man in the state is fitted to resume his place as floor leader in the assembly at Sacramento. The Anaheim Sugar company has rented rooms here for a temporary office. Mr. Hadsell reports that the architects have completed the foundation plans for the new factory, and that the engineer will have a force at work on the foundation by July 1. The Santa Fe railroad will run a spur track to the factory site. In the Superior court on Monday the trial of the case of H. S. Hadsell against the Case, Hinze Co. was reset. The case was set for July 5. The date is now Oct. 10. Attorney F. O. Daniel is expecting to go east, and that was one reason for the postponement. Attorneys for the plaintiff assented to the order. Mr. Stanton set about to remedy this state of affairs. In the succeeding session of the legislature he passed the Party Circle bill, which a voter may use if he so determines, or he may ignore it, just as though it were not upon his ballot. It facilitates voting. This is a cardinal crime, say the Lincoln-Roosevelters. Yet if they were candidates for office upon the republican ticket, perhaps they might favor any device which tended to bring to them the full and undivided support of the party. A bad nominee upon the ticket may be voted against with the Party Circle printed upon the ballot, as without it. Why should it be abolished? Why should Stanton be lampooned as a "railroad man" because he fathered it in the first instance? Why should he be classed as an "anti-reformer" for voting "against second reading" for a bill designed to abrogate this measure? Where is the republican in Anaheim in Orange county, in California, who does not stand with Stanton on this question? If elections are made for majorities to win, the theory and the practice works out perfectly. If elections are for the purpose of permitting a democrat here and there to wiggle into office, through the apathy, the indifference, the incompetency of republican voters, then the Party Circle has all the more reason for its existence. If you have not the time to come to our place of business ask to have one of our traveling salesmen to call on you. Wm. F. Lutz Co., Santa Ana. extreme as the first man did in the other extreme, for under the conditions arising from the unprecedented growth of population in Southern California during the past ten years and the fact that without question that growth will continue in ever increasing volume for the next fifty years there are conservatively managed concerns based upon proven business principles which are making as high as 26 per cent per year and the capital invested is just as safe as though your money were drawing 3 to 6 per cent interest in a savings bank, for the security on which your investment is based is that security known to the business world everywhere as the best and safest obtainable, viz: first mortgages on good real estate in a growing community. There are dozens of these concerns, all of them successful, and among the most successful is the Home Investment Company of Anaheim which last year earned 12 to 15 per cent on every dollar invested, which spends all its capital in this county and community for labor, material and real estate, building up our local territory, advancing the interests of our community, attracting people by its tasteful buildings. The new offices of the company at 113 Center street have been completed and there is not a more handsomely fitted business house in Orange county. The company is extending its field of activities into all parts of the county an there is no cessation to the call for the building of homes on its attractive basis. Keep your money at home earn big returns for yourself on a legitimate proposition and help to build up your own local town by putting your concern which is worthy of every consideration and confidence. THURSDAY, JUNE 16 THE LEADER We lead in having the largest and most up-to-date assortment of the very best Furnishings, at Lowest Prices. See Our 75c and $1.00 Golf Shirts, at 40 Cents, Mexican Straw Hats, 10 Cents, and Special Values in 25 Cent Neckties We can fit you out with a better suit for less money, "fit guaranteed," than you can find elsewhere. Bargains always. Keep your eye on our show windows. Suits made to order. L. Z. KROEGER 128 W. CENTER ST. TELEPHONES, PACIFIC 2103, HOME 2132 William Randy Hearst never showed his petty insignificance to better advantage than in his characteristically puny attempts at vituperation of Theodore Roosevelt. Mr. Hearst should take unto himself whatever you call a tumble. He's in the down and out club. He lunched while in London with a member of parliament and several obscure newspaper reporters. Roosevelt the same day with nine kings. Bully for T. R. A female lion tamer, young and fair-beckoned to a big lion, and it came and the counties day region, and the coupled with the making into the doubt as to the reprimary election away, and there course, but if the tomorrow, Stanton than Anderson ed. Johnson refactor, and it is von of Grove L. ught but to split Curry vote in the and more that it von or Johnson in the voters of prefer? The man here, and has desired terms the arstate board of assessed values, 321,000,000, or the in San Francisco er a word about y man in the state as ever forced the machine into defeat. speakership fight; he will do it in for the governoring campaign. MAGAZINES and PERIODICALS Of all kinds here as soon as they are published. If you are going out of town have us send you your favorite while you are away at MOUNTAIN, SHORE OR FARM Don’t forget to take a goodly supply of our stationery with you when you go. It isn’t easy to match our stationery anywhere. It will probably be impossible at the place where you take your outing. Joseph Helmsen The aggregate amount of cash in the county treasury at the beginning of the current month was $202,372.41. Y. M. C. A. Day Commercial School High grade training in Bookkeeping, Stenography, Accountancy and Law Men teachers, home influences, low tuition, graduates in demand. Evening courses in Engineering Drafting, Automobile, etc. Send for catalogue. Y. M. C. A., Los Angeles, Cal. ANAHEIM STEAM LAUNDRY SOUTH LEMON ST. We do all classes of work and do it in first-class style. BOTH PHONES. USE THEM. Quality Printing AT THE Gazette Job Office Quality Printing AT THE Gazette Job Office HENSHAW, BULKLEY & CO. 262-64 So. Los Angeles St. Los Angeles IRRIGATION PLANTS INSTALLED COMPLETE MACHINERY of all kinds, including road making machinery, levelers, scrapers, hardpan ploughs, etc. Full stock always on hand. GASOLINE ENGINES CENTRIFUGAL PUMPS